Showing posts with label politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label politics. Show all posts

Why Presidents Fail: White House Decision Making from Eisenhower to Bush II Review

Why Presidents Fail: White House Decision Making from Eisenhower to Bush II
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Why Presidents Fail: White House Decision Making from Eisenhower to Bush II ReviewThis is a very well written, researched, and constructed book. I've always found politics such an ugly thing that I have never wanted to look further than the front page or nightly news about the goings-ons of the currant administrations. Plus who are you going to believe? They're all liars imo. And everything is so complicated and convoluted, I'm sure intentionally, that it discourages detailed thorough inspection. Mr. Pious tho sifts out the facts and presents them in a clean, clear manner. Easily digestible. I would say all currant and future presidential candidates should read this book so as to learn from others mistakes. But I'm afraid they'd use it as a how-to guide - how NOT to get caught.
I'm left, as I was before reading this book, with the feeling that running the United States of America has become nothing but a game between the dems and gop. A money making game for the insiders, a losing game for all the rest. It's amazing how obsessed the presidents and the people around them can be and what they are willing to do to acheive a goal (usually a wrong one) even in the face of daming evidence that to continue is wrong wrong wrong. They mine the law books in order to skirt the laws, coverup the presidents involment...... throw billions of tax dollars down black holes then have the nerve to ask for more.
From the cover:
Presidents are surrounded by political strategists and White House counsel who presumably know enough to avoid making the same mistakes as their predecessors. Why, then, do the same kinds of presidential failures occur over and over again? Why Presidents Fail answers this question by examining presidential fiascos, quagmires, and risky business - the kind of failure that led President Kennedy to groan after the Bay of Pigs invasion, "How could I have been so stupid?"
In this book, Richard M. Pious looks at nine cases that have become defining events in presidencies from Dwight D. Eisenhower and the U-2 fights to George W. Bush and Iraqi weapons of mass destruction. He uses these cases to draw generalizations about presidential power, authority, rationality, and legitimacy, and he raises questions about the limits of presidential decision making, many of which fly in the face of the conventional wisdom about the modern presidency.
Contents page:
IntroductionPresidential Fiascoes
1Reputation: Eisenhower and the U-2 Flights
2Power Stakes: Kennedy and the Bay of Pigs
3Compellence: Johnson and the Vietnam Escalation
4Command and Control: Ford and the Mayaguez
5Rhetoric: Carter and the Malaise Speech
6Prerogative Power: Reagan and the Iran-Contra Affair
7Gamesmanship: Bush 41 and the Budget Summit
8Program Innovation: Clinton and Health Care
9Parallel Governance: Bush and Iraqi Weapons of Mass Destruction
10Presidents Unbound: Crises of Authority and Legitimacy
11Risk and Resilience: Toward a White House Learning Curve
Another book by Mr. Pious I might read is The War on Terrorism and the Rule of Law.
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The Great Comeback: How Abraham Lincoln Beat the Odds to Win the 1860 Republican Nomination Review

The Great Comeback: How Abraham Lincoln Beat the Odds to Win the 1860 Republican Nomination
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The Great Comeback: How Abraham Lincoln Beat the Odds to Win the 1860 Republican Nomination ReviewGary Ecelbarger succeeds in crafting a well-written tome that captures Lincoln's effort to obtain the Republican nomination for the 1860 Presidential election. Although just defeated by Stephen Douglass in the 1858 Senatorial contest, Lincoln quickly laid the groundwork for his presidential campaign that changed the nation. Mr. Ecelbarger writes in a smooth, descriptive manner that creates vivid images in the mind of the reader. We not only learn about the when, where and why of Lincoln's political journey but actually feel as if we were part of the campaign that led to Lincoln's nomination.The Great Comeback: How Abraham Lincoln Beat the Odds to Win the 1860 Republican Nomination Overview

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CELEBRATING THE REPUBLIC: PRESIDENTIAL CEREMONY AND POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY, FROM WASHINGTON TO MONROE Review

CELEBRATING THE REPUBLIC: PRESIDENTIAL CEREMONY AND POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY, FROM WASHINGTON TO MONROE
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CELEBRATING THE REPUBLIC: PRESIDENTIAL CEREMONY AND POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY, FROM WASHINGTON TO MONROE ReviewIn CELEBRATING THE REPUBLIC author Sandra Moats presents a highly engaging and entertaining narrative that explores the initial development of Presidential ceremony while simultaneously underscoring the continuities of American political life that remain with us to this very day.
Moats focuses her attention most closely upon the ceremonial approaches of three of the first five Presidents of the United States: George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, and James Monroe. While these early chief executives were all concerned to establish and enhance the inherent dignity of the Presidency, their differing styles are clearly illustrated in Moats's highly detailed and authoritative work. Beginning with Washington's preference for a more monarchic approach to the office complete with levees and official tours, turning to Jefferson's more austere republicanism that shunned aristocratic elements to such an extent that there was talk of war with the scandalized British, and concluding with Monroe's efforts to synthesize the most effective aspects of the contrasting styles of his two great predecessors, Moats presents a thorough litany of the banquets, receptions, and travels through which these men interacted with the sovereign citizens of the nation.
Moats, however, goes far beyond mere Presidential itineraries to explore the reactions of various elements of the US populace to their Presidents' ceremonial efforts. In doing so, she reminds us that the occasionally bitter partisan and regional debates that often define American politics in our time have in fact been an integral part of the political landscape of the United States since its earliest days. If perhaps more subtly engaged in the late Eighteenth and early Nineteenth Centuries, nonetheless rancorous political conflict was certainly not unknown to the newspaper editors, officeholders, and political party operatives in the first decades of the nation's existence. Through her focus upon Presidential ceremony and its consequences in American public opinion, Moats reminds us that vigorous political debate and the inflamed passions that often accompany it are nothing new.
As such, Sandra Moats has written a most excellent book that can be appreciated both as an exploration of the foundations of the Presidential ceremonial we see today and as proof that the style of our modern, party-based politics does indeed have its roots in the era of the Founding Fathers. Regardless of whether primary interest is found in Presidential protocol or politics, any American history enthusiast will thoroughly enjoy this volume.CELEBRATING THE REPUBLIC: PRESIDENTIAL CEREMONY AND POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY, FROM WASHINGTON TO MONROE Overview

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Colin Powell and Condoleezza Rice: Foreign Policy, Race, and the New American Century Review

Colin Powell and Condoleezza Rice: Foreign Policy, Race, and the New American Century
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Colin Powell and Condoleezza Rice: Foreign Policy, Race, and the New American Century ReviewUsing the tenures of the highest ranking African Americans in the history of the U. S. State Department as points of reference, Colin Powell and Condoleeza Rice examines the relevance of race in the formation of U.S. foreign policy under the direction of George W. Bush. Lusane presents a necessarily incisive critique of the Bush regime's continuing thrust for U.S. hegemony under the guise of the "war on terror." I highly recommend this book for everyone to understand how the nuances of race impact the U.S.'s international dealings. This work is a must-read for African Americans to become more conscious and committed to developing an international policy.
-- Shawn L. Williams, author of I'm a Bad Man: African American Vernacular Culture and the Making of Muhammad Ali
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WHORES: Why and How I Came to Fight the Establishment Review

WHORES: Why and How I Came to Fight the Establishment
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WHORES: Why and How I Came to Fight the Establishment ReviewAuthor Larry Klayman, founder of Judicial Watch, writes an autobiographical account of his war to promote ethical behavior in politicians. Klayman gave up Judicial Watch when he ran for Senator in Florida some years ago and is trying to get it back as well as running his new organization "Freedom Watch". This book chronicles his early life and legal battles with crooked politicians and others from both parties.
I don't know of anyone else who has sued both the Clintons and the Dick Cheney besides Klayman. Klayman is generally conservative but not really a party Republican. And his positions are up-to-the-minute accurate with the current revolt among the rank and file Republicans to overthrow the corrupt neo-cons and liberals that have taken over their party. So this book is as current as possible and has just barely been published.
Because the big publishing companies that are now foreign owned and controlled have an interest in preserving the status quo, this book is not getting the press it ought to.
Yes, Larry Klayman sued his own mother - to keep his neglected grandmother alive.
But as I read this book about some incredible villains, I kept track of the names of the people who Klayman proved, many times in a court of law, to be unethical traitors. Sit down. Take a deep breath.
Page 58 details how Leon Pannetta, a Clinton official, personally obstructed justice illegally in the Ron Brown (Clinton Secretary of Commerce) matters. Leon Pannetta is now the director of the Central Intelligence Agency.
Hillary Clinton personally tells Secretary Ron Brown to sell seats on the trade mission to China, breaking multiple laws and committing high treason on page 59. First lady Hillary Clinton became a Senator from New York and is currently Secretary of State.
Page 59 details charges from Ron Brown's mistress that both Clintons basically ordered a "hit" on Ron Brown. Secretary Ron Brown, the supposed victim of a plane crash, was found to have a bullet hole in his head by not just one, but three doctors but they were ordered not to investigate or perform an autopsy.
Melissa Moss who destroyed the Ron Brown papers sought by Klayman in his Freedom of Information requests is now an investment adviser hob-nobbing with the likes of Jonathan Silverman, Henry Waxman and John Dingell in an article from October 15 of this year. Guess crime does pay.
Pages 59 and 62 detail some of the claims against Harold Ickes including treason and obstructing justice. Harold Ickes is currently Oil Czar in the Obama administration.
On page 61 a Justice department official blackmails a witness. That official, Eric Holder, is now Attorney Gnereral of the United States of America.
Page 68 has Johnny Chung accusing President Bill Clinton of causing Ron Brown's death.
Page 77 has Georgew Stephenopouls lying under oath. Page 78 has James Carville sanctioned by a court for lying. Page 88 tells of 2 sitting members of the House of Representatives Barney Frank and Rep. Gunderson, both homosexuals, blackmailing Gingrich with their knowledge of Gingrich's affair with a staffer.
There are plenty of unethical and traitorous Republicans in the book also, but since they are out of power right now I haven't detailed them.
Anyway, I could go on and on. And where is the outrage? Why isn't Klayman on the Sunday morning political shows? Where is the New York TImes and the Washington Post?
Yes traitors and scum control our government and both parties. No, there is nothing you can do about it except try your best to support people like Klayman and vote in some ethical people to replace the crooks that are in charge. It will be a long and hard fight, but it must be done if we wish to have any country left at all for our children and grand-children. And thank you Larry Klayman for writing it all down and documenting it.WHORES: Why and How I Came to Fight the Establishment Overview

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The Meaning of Is: The Squandered Impeachment and Wasted Legacy of William Jefferson Clinton Review

The Meaning of Is: The Squandered Impeachment and Wasted Legacy of William Jefferson Clinton
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The Meaning of Is: The Squandered Impeachment and Wasted Legacy of William Jefferson Clinton ReviewBob Barr has written an excellent book. Using clean, spare language he gets his points across and builds a convincing case. He uses specific images and anecdotes that are sometimes funny, sometimes disturbing and always work to their best effect and stay with you. In a highly readable fashion, Bob Barr also gives you a good understanding of how things work in Washington, D.C. If you want a better understanding of how government works, if you care about National Security, if you care about the future of America, I strongly recommend this book. I was walking in lower Manhattan this morning and I stopped by to look at historic Fraunces Tavern and to remember where a different kind of terrorist group set off an explosion and injured and killed innocent people almost 30 years ago. I found it chilling to read in Mr. Barr's fine book that the Clintons didn't seem to have a problem offering clemency to members of this terrorist group during Mr. Clinton's final days in office.The Meaning of Is: The Squandered Impeachment and Wasted Legacy of William Jefferson Clinton Overview

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Corpocracy: How CEOs and the Business Roundtable Hijacked the World's Greatest Wealth Machine -- And How to Get It Back Review

Corpocracy: How CEOs and the Business Roundtable Hijacked the World's Greatest Wealth Machine -- And How to Get It Back
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Corpocracy: How CEOs and the Business Roundtable Hijacked the World's Greatest Wealth Machine -- And How to Get It Back ReviewCorpocracy is an ugly word, not just because of its mixed roots, but because of the governance situation in the United States which it has been coined to describe. In this compelling book, Bob Monks has summarised the means by which American business interests have conspired to suborn the state. No-one else has his authority or breadth of experience in this field of corporate governance. A corporate lawyer and banker by calling, he headed the division in charge of ERISA in the political field and he helped launch Institutional Shareholder Services and LENS to prove that active investors create value. He has distilled his remarkable range of experience into a brief and highly readable polemic. In doing so, he argues that the balance of power between corporations, those who own their shares and those charged with regulating their conduct has to be redressed.
It might, at first sight, seem that the situation which he analyses so penetratingly is peculiar to the United States and that the wider world need not actively concern itself with the author's message. This would be to underestimate the importance of this book. The lessons to be drawn from the consequences of the rise of the political power of American business, which it chronicles, are universal. In addition, given the global reach of American corporations, the need to restore their accountability to their investors within an effective regulatory framework has global implications.
Corpocracy is not a lament, though it describes much that is lamentable. It is a sober and arresting account of the manner in which the author's personal efforts to persuade the appropriate authorities, regulators and major investing institutions to do their duty, morally and juridically, has met with little effective response. The book's impact is all the greater for the restrained manner in which Bob Monks describes how those appointed to discharge their statutory and fiduciary duties repeatedly failed to do so. Inaction by the gatekeepers, left the field open to the untrammelled rapacity of imperial CEOs.
The balance of power between boards and CEOs in the United States remains a paradox, given the country's regulatory history of preventing accretions of power in relation to trusts and to banking. Nowhere else would it be possible to elect a director on a single vote, nowhere else could shareholder votes be invalidated by "ballot stuffing", nowhere else are shareholders so limited in their ability to raise issues at AGMs, which some directors may not even bother to attend. The prevailing concept of CEO/chairmen selecting their outside board members, thus compromising their independence, strengthens the hand of the CEO at the expense of that of the board.
The response to this imbalance in governance terms is the financial track record of US corporations, but at whose expense has it been achieved? Bob Monks' answer is:
"History will look back on the 1990s and early 2000s as a time when the principal officers of public American corporations transferred from shareholders to themselves approximately $1 trillion - or 10 percent of the market value of public exchanges. This must be the largest peacetime movement of wealth ever recorded, and it was accomplished through stealth that amounted to theft and in a spirit of regulatory permissiveness that certainly rises near to the level of criminal neglect." In addition, there is the extra 5 percent of profitability that the Corporate Library metric tells us is lost through bad practice, plus the opportunity cost of boards focusing on short term personal aggrandisement at the expense of sustainable profitable growth. As the one member of the SEC, who opposed the Committee's recent decision to limit the ability of shareholders to put forward resolutions, said: "Corporate governance in the United States is not well served by inattentive boards that are effectively unaccountable to shareholders."
Inevitably one of the headline manifestations of this lack of accountability has been the grossness of the rewards, which some of these principal officers have arrogated to themselves, for failure as well as success. There are attempts to justify these excesses by analogy with the earnings of stars of sport, stage and screen or by claiming that they are market determined. The analogy with the stars is manifestly spurious. The stars earn what their individual talent commands in the hotly contested market for entertainment. The profits of a corporation are earned collectively and represent the sum of the efforts of everyone in an enterprise. The issue therefore is how they should be distributed in a form that would be generally perceived to be fair and in accordance with the concept of natural justice.
A corporation's pay structure should meet the test of equity, rewarding those working for it, from top to bottom, in relation to their contribution to its performance. Ignoring equity in rewards sows the seeds of social division and dissension with its longer term consequences. What seems to have set the bounds to the multiple by which the earnings of the principal officers of companies exceed those of the average employee in most countries is a sense of social cohesion. The multiple varies by country and through time, but it represents a social constraint or discipline, which carries with it economic advantages not to be ignored.
The fact that shareholders are outraged by the grosser excesses of the pay packages of the principal officers of some corporations is no more than a symptom of the lack of accountability of US boards to those who own their stock, hence the theme of the book. It is a cause which Bob Monks has espoused and pursued with a determination and energy that is wholly admirable and selfless. In spite of setbacks, he believes that this essential accountability can be restored. He sees no cause for new laws, agencies or fiscal measures, though the existing statutory and regulatory framework should be effectively enforced. He argues that it is the major investing institutions that carry the obligation to themselves and to society to restore trust in the capitalistic system.
They have the power to reform the governance of corporations and they have a straightforward economic incentive to do so. The obligation, however, of the great foundations, among the investing institutions, to play their part in bringing about reform goes beyond the calculus of financial gain. It lies at the heart of their creation. They directly assist their chosen causes, but that is within the wider context of a market system which provides them with the ability to do this. They have a responsibility to maintain the means by which they fulfil the aims for which they were founded.
The book's message is therefore optimistic, provided that it is heeded in time. Trust and accountability can be restored, but it will take courage and above all leadership to do so. What is needed is enlightened leadership by those in a position to exercise it in the investing institutions and in corporations themselves. In Bob Monks' words:
"It demands that those with a majority stake in the corpocracy - its principal owners and beneficiaries - lead the way back to the broad light of day. The hour is late. The sun won't always be waiting."
Read Corpocracy and judge for yourself!Corpocracy: How CEOs and the Business Roundtable Hijacked the World's Greatest Wealth Machine -- And How to Get It Back Overview

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The Warm Bucket Brigade: The Story of the American Vice Presidency Review

The Warm Bucket Brigade: The Story of the American Vice Presidency
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The Warm Bucket Brigade: The Story of the American Vice Presidency ReviewJeremy Lott has done a bit of the wondrous here. He has taken the history of a little understood or, or for that matter, little noticed political office and made it into an understandable, interesting and often humorous history. Academics and their supporters will probably not like "The Warm Bucket Brigade" for all the reasons just stated: this is an understandable, interesting and frequently funny book that illuminates a barely understood elective office and the more often than not forgotten souls who occupied it. (Can you identify President Polk's Vice President? No Googling allowed!)
The title derives from the famous characterization of the office by John Nance Gardner, one of Franklin Roosevelt's Vice Presidents, who had left a powerful position in the House of Representatives. Consulted by Lyndon Baines Johnson about the wisdom of taking the VP nomination offered by John F. Kennedy, Garner advised the then powerful Senator Johnson that the post wasn't worth a bucket of warm (bodily liquid excretion that is most certainly not spit).
Lott enlivens what would otherwise be a deadly dull excursion into the expired lives of some very dead and largely forgotten men (all VPs have been men to date) by bringing what can be described as a snarky sense of humor to the job. It is, frankly, a welcome attribute and enlivens the book although sometimes Lott does stretch things.
Lott moves straight into the enigma of the Constitutionally created elective office of Vice President of the United States. It is the only elective office that renders its occupant a member of the executive and legislative branches. However, the Constitution fails to enumerate much in the way of power or responsibility to the VP. The VP is, of course, on heartbeat away from the Presidency and can cast a deciding vote when the Senate is tied. But beyond that, the office doesn't really come with much in the way of poltical power or patronage.
By and large, Vice Presidential power and responsibilities have ebbed and flowed, depending both on the incumbent President and the nature of the Vice Presidency. During the current Bush administration, Vice President Cheney has labored hard in behalf of the belief that the Constitution favors a strong executive branch. On the other hand, there is substantial belief that President Clinton was not impeached solely because it would have resulted in a President Gore, who had shown his nature as Vice President. Lott details as well the growth of the modern Vice Presidency through the example of Richard Nixon who became a very effective super ambassador for then President Eisenhower. He then describes how some highly regarded potential presidential aspirants had their hopes destroyed because they occupied the Vice Presidential chair at the wrong time or with the wrong President. Hubert Humphrey was one such casualty.
It must be remembered that all the men who became Vice President were at one time notable and reasonably well known in their time. Some of them, such as Lyndon Johnson and John Nance Gardner, were also remarkably politically powerful before they became VP. Fourteen VPs went on to become Vice President. The rest, by and large, faded into obscurity after their term(s) as Vice President, like, for example, Dan Quayle and Woodrow Wilson's VP, whose name I have forgotten. (Just kidding in an attempt to make the point.)
Lott does these men, the office of the Vice President, history and the nation a favor by recounting in summary detail their histories. At first, I thought Lott's approach was too light-hearted, almost flippant. As I got into the book, I realized that Lott's approach was really on the mark and very much appropriate: a different approach, more serious and academic would probably leave these lives unexplored in a stack of unopened books, gathering dust in a dark corner. Lott has done right by his subjects and his readers with his approach.
For younger readers (anyone under 50 - about half or so of the population), Lott's elucidation of how Vice Presidential candidates were chosen prior to the 1972 campaign will be an education in what American politics used to be.
Lott opens his journey with a visit to the United States Vice Presidential Museum, a former Christian Science Church in Dan Quayle's birthplace, Huntington, Indiana. Uh huh - I never heard of the museum or the town either. He then moves into a history of the office and the men who occupied it.
Not unwisely, Lott spends less time on the less visible vice presidents and more on those who made more of the office or moved into the Presidency, one way or another.
Overall, "The Warm Bucket Brigade" is a fascinating little book (260 pages plus an appendix, notes and index). It casts light on a surprisingly obscure, if potentially powerful, elective office and its largely forgotten occupants. For the student of American history, it is frankly a must-read: there are lots of facts here that I haven't stumbled across in my fifty years of reading - or facts that I have forgotten. As noted, Lott's often humorous approach makes the subject much more accessible than it otherwise would have been.
A delightful read, especially with summer coming up. Whether it's on the beach or waiting for your oft-delayed flight to finally take off, this is a book that anyone with an interest in American history will enjoy.
JerryThe Warm Bucket Brigade: The Story of the American Vice Presidency Overview

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The Performance of Politics: Obama's Victory and the Democratic Struggle for Power Review

The Performance of Politics: Obama's Victory and the Democratic Struggle for Power
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The Performance of Politics: Obama's Victory and the Democratic Struggle for Power ReviewAlexander's book is a very special one. There is plenty of books on presidential campaigns, and even more on electoral campaigns in general. The analogy between campaigns and shows is also well-known: the social world is a theater, and politicians are often thought to be actors (not to mention those who have been previously movie stars ;-)). Alexander's approach, however, is radically new. In other books, these kind of performances are usually thought of as mere decoys, while the 'real' 'actual' politics is taken to be primarily a matter of power, of money, of deceit.
Alexander is not naive, and he takes into consideration quite well the reality of power. But he is also able to understand that democratic politics is not only about power, but also about meaning. Political campaigns do indeed select the elites. But they also re-enact and re-fresh a strong cultural understanding of the polity. Voters do not follow only their interests, but also their values, their vision of what they are and what they would like to be. Alexander's book provides a quite innovative analysis of the cultural dimension of politics, and his arguments are likely to be important both for scholars and for activists.The Performance of Politics: Obama's Victory and the Democratic Struggle for Power Overview

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Running Alone: Presidential Leadership from JFK to Bush II -- Why It Has Failed and How We Can Fix It Review

Running Alone: Presidential Leadership from JFK to Bush II -- Why It Has Failed and How We Can Fix It
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Running Alone: Presidential Leadership from JFK to Bush II -- Why It Has Failed and How We Can Fix It ReviewBurns' short book should be a considered a good corollary to Arthur Schelsinger's "The Imperial Presidency." The authors hardly surprising thesis is that for the better part of forty years, the executive branch has usurped power from the other two branches, thus constituting, for all intents and purposes, a one branch government. Burns traces the genesis of this phenomenon to the breakdown of the party platform system and that platform being a meaningful part of a presidential campaign. Instead of running on a either right or left wing partisan stage, every President since Kennedy has instead adopted a mostly centrist message. So, if a candidate runs alone on his and his beliefs only during an election year, it does not take much for that elected President to now govern alone. Nevertheless, Burns' thesis is diffused later on in the book when he returns to his theory on the differences between transformational and transactional leadership. Surprisingly, for a person who seems, by all outward appearances, to be the paragon of the liberal intelligentsia, Burns considers Ronald Reagan to be the best combination of the transactional (the ability to work with all sides cohesively) and transformational (leading a group/branch to change the country in a profound way.) This is indeed surprising for Burns to praise Reagan when he writes that Reagan's ideological heir, George W. Bush, has "consolidated personal power to an extent unprecedented in American history, and he has used that power to evade responsibility."
Another beginning primary cause of the growing aggrandizement of executive authority was Kennedy's reliance on Richard Neustadt's theory on the Presidential power. The author writes: "In a series of memos, he (Neustadt) counseled Kennedy not on how to deal with Congress, but rather on how to master power within the executive branch." Thus, as Neustadt wrote: "a reasonable President would need no power other than the logic of his argument." Thus, what many people consider the arrogance of the current administration may have it's roots in this Neustadtian logic.
This growing Presidential power continued unabated under Johnson and Nixon but was interrupted briefly by the relatively weak administrations of Ford and Carter. Meanwhile, however, the previously marginalized right wing coalesced under Ronald Reagan, who paradoxically became one of the most powerful presidents while espousing a radical shrinking of the federal government. Reagan's successors, George H.W. Bush, however, did not govern on the conservative ideals that Reagan did. Therefore, one of the reasons for Bush's 1992 defeat was because he took a centrist stand instead of the hard right positions that his predecessor governed from. In the same way, Bill Clinton ran and governed from the classic central ideology. Clinton came to realize this of course, when he said to his staff one day that "I hope you're all aware we're all Eisenhower Republicans. We're Eisenhower Republicans here, and we are fighting Reagan Republicans...Isn't that great!!!"
Finally, the heir to the Reagan revolution, George W. Bush is a conservative in name only, Burns asserts. Burns writes that "Reagan was a strong president, of course, but for the purposes of weakening government. Now there was Reagan's heir, Bush II bulking up government and his own powers." Burns does not address the argument that maybe the reason for this power grab was a response to a massive and chaotic terrorist attack.
Overall, Burns concludes that in order to decrease the power of the executive branch, voters must be given a clear choice between ideologies on Election Day, and not two candidates that stand for the same thing. Only then, can voter apathy decrease and a rejuvenated American electorate will demand more executive accountability.
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The First Campaign: Globalization, the Web, and the Race for the White House Review

The First Campaign: Globalization, the Web, and the Race for the White House
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The First Campaign: Globalization, the Web, and the Race for the White House ReviewThis book is well worth reading. It shows a revolution that is taking place in political communications and can give any political person some ideas. You can gain more information on the book beyond Amazon by going to the book's web site, which has the same domain name as the title. As we watch the current political campaigns for the Presidency, you can see what Graff is talking about by going to You Tube and looking at the various different presidential campaigns on You Tube. You should also check out the main campaign sites on the web and see how they are linking to places like Myspace and You Tube. This would help you make the book come alive. I have a list of respected books relating to future watch studies on my Amazon profile for those who might want to get a larger picture of future trends.The First Campaign: Globalization, the Web, and the Race for the White House Overview

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Bush on the Couch: Inside the Mind of the President Review

Bush on the Couch: Inside the Mind of the President
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Bush on the Couch: Inside the Mind of the President ReviewWithout a personal interview, I believe all a psychiatrist can tell about a subject, in most cases, is whether he is alive or dead. But then, there's George Bush. While the author spoke in paradigms I did not understand or accept, he brought up some interesting events and behaviors in the life of George Bush that literally crawl with clues:
The loss of his sister, and not being told she died until after the fact. (Guilt?)
Putting firecrackers up the behinds of bull frogs and lighting the firecracker. (Psychopathic?)
His temper tantrums on the golf course. (Infantile? Can't get his own way.)
Following his mother's advice not to use the same word over and over, he gets a Thesaurus to find another word for tears. He adds to his essay, "The lacerates came streaming down her face." (Learning disability?)
Telling a college professor that the poor are lazy, and wish to remain that way. (Limited thought processes?)
As governor he presided over more executions, more than any other in the state's history. One was a woman who had been domestically abused by her husband for eighteen years. Even prominent religious leaders pleaded on her behalf. George let her die. (Again, psychopathic?)
As governor he received another plea from a murderer to have her execution stayed. He play-acted a woman pleading for her life, to a stunned (conservative) commentator named Tucker Carlson. (Again, really psychopathic?)
His rather simple and linear thinking. Responding to the question why terrorists hate us, he said, "They hate our freedoms." (Inability to think in complex abstracts?)
George cannot read the line: ".... shame on me." The type was quite clear. His inability to admit a mistake. George Bush has still failed to admit any major mistake since he took office. (Rigid?)
George has trouble speaking English properly. "Is our children learning?" (Again, learning disability?)
He blames others for what goes wrong, particularly the media. (Projects his limitations onto others?)
He has not attended any funerals for servicemen or women killed in action. (Inability to feel compassion?)
Arrested for vagrancy and drunk driving. (Alcoholism?)
Holds a basic belief that he is superior to others, that his position is a birthright. (Narcisstic?)
Trying to emulate Daddy at every level and failing. Daddy: youngest pilot in the Navy; George: lowest score accepted for pilot training (25th percentile) in the Air National Guard; Daddy: Yale; George: Yale; Daddy: baseball team; George: Cheerleader; Daddy: Oilman; George: Starts Arbusto Drilling. Texans soon call it El Busto. (A need to gain parental approval?)
The author doesn't imply that George Bush may be sociopathic, but it is there for anyone who wishes to infer it.
Finally, the most powerful man in the world is on vacation, on his home turf, surrounded by secret service, family and friends, and appears afraid to meet with Cindy Sheehan, especially considering that he could have put any spin on the meeting he would have chose to. (Cowardice?)
Doesn't this author make you wonder? Does Bush really have the capacity to lead the country, and does he really give a damn about Americans?
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Listen Up, Mr. President: Everything You Always Wanted Your President to Know and Do Review

Listen Up, Mr. President: Everything You Always Wanted Your President to Know and Do
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Listen Up, Mr. President: Everything You Always Wanted Your President to Know and Do ReviewI bought this book thinking that I would read a chapter or two a week and learn some previously unknown nuggets of information and insights about our past presidents. Without giving away spoilers or free samples, I read the first chapter. It was so good I then read chapter two. Then chapter three. The next thing I know, I'm done with the book in one sitting. Though I didn't agree with some of their assessments of some Presidents (I'm a conservative and these are mainstream media types so it's safe to say they are a bit to the left of myself), the book was never lacking in original insights and lessons. Moreover, there were no cheap shots taken under the belt, even in the sections that I may have disagreed with. It's very fair. Chapter one is definitely worth the price of the book for those interested in the Presidency and anyone looking to get into T.R.'s proverbial Arena of politics. I personally found that the parts of the book that dealt with how the Presidency is covered and the give and take between the President/Executive Branch and the fourth estate, particularly the fourth chapter, came to life, for obvious reasons--Thomas and Crawford are journalists! A surprisingly wonderful and insightful read--and that's coming from a conservative who isn't too fond of most in the mainstream media. Go buy a copy, you won't regret it.Listen Up, Mr. President: Everything You Always Wanted Your President to Know and Do Overview

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Paranoid Nation: The Real Story of the 2008 Fight for the Presidency Review

Paranoid Nation: The Real Story of the 2008 Fight for the Presidency
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Paranoid Nation: The Real Story of the 2008 Fight for the Presidency ReviewThis highly readable new book acknowledges, and should appeal to, the enormous number of Americans who believe in one "conspiracy theory" or another. Matt Towery's own conspiracy theory -- that the 2008 election had far less to do with Barack Obama or John McCain than with behind-the-scenes, dynastic puppet masters vying for power not now but far into the future -- may seem a bit far out, until you start turning the pages. Besides (and I admit some bias here, because I have known the author for many years), Towery has become one of the nation's top pollsters because he has an uncanny knack for being right when just about everyone else is wrong. I know of few other pundits who follow politics so closely (or with such a suspicious eye), and whether you end up agreeing with him or not, he has produced an extremely entertaining and thought provoking analysis of what "really" happened in 2008. In short, Towery makes it fashionable to be at least a little paranoid.Paranoid Nation: The Real Story of the 2008 Fight for the Presidency Overview

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Time President Obama: The Path to The White House Review

Time President Obama: The Path to The White House
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Time President Obama: The Path to The White House ReviewWow. I had pre-ordered this last month, and hadn't expected it's release for several more weeks. What a nice surprise that is has been released early. I guess Time pushed out in time for Christmas. Anyway, this is great book to remember a historic election. The book is only 96 pages, and it is divided into 10 chapters. My favorite chapters are: "How he learned to win", and "Defeating Hillary". The book gives a nice timeline of Barack's rise to power. It is loaded with never seen before, behind the scenes photo's of Barack and his family. You get to see Barack Obama "the family man", as well as Barack Obama "the politician". Even if you didn't support Obama, this is still a great keepsake to remember an election like no other. This is a true collector's item, at a very modest price.Time President Obama: The Path to The White House Overview

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The Inaugural Address, 2009: Together with Abraham Lincoln's First and Second Inaugural Addresses and The Gettysburg Address and Ralph Waldo Emerson's Self-Reliance Review

The Inaugural Address, 2009: Together with Abraham Lincoln's First and Second Inaugural Addresses and The Gettysburg Address and Ralph Waldo Emerson's Self-Reliance
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The Inaugural Address, 2009: Together with Abraham Lincoln's First and Second Inaugural Addresses and The Gettysburg Address and Ralph Waldo Emerson's Self-Reliance ReviewWe must all, each and every American, thank Penguin for assembling this great collection of historic American essays and speeches, above all the charter our President has made with our people.
President Barack Hussein Obama pledges: "We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness."
Thusly does our President set the difficult path we must walk in order to survive and to serve.
In this volume we may study carefully the brilliant words of our President, words each true American takes to heart, simple words from a brilliant leader. We find cornerstone phrases from past American leaders, in particular the Gettysburg Address, an earnest and simple cry for peace spoken by President Abraham Lincoln in the very heart of horrible war. We find here as well President Lincoln's First and Second Inaugural Addresses.
Above all we may here once more, and with renewed urgency, meditate the great essay by early American Transcendentalist philosopher and preacher, Ralph Waldo Emerson on Self-Reliance, an early indication of the heart and the spirit of America we do very well to restore, in order to restore our nation along the plan outlined in President Obama's great Inaugural Address.
We are fortunate therefore to find gathered under one cover these quintessentially American addresses, a collection which must grace each American hearth for daily reflection in these coming days.
Read this book. Every home in America must have this one book. Certainly we can watch President Obama's First Inaugural Address on the Internet, probably even on youtube, but we cannot hold it in our heart and hands as we can this book, with family and friends and loved ones gathered about us. We must read this book; we must read it together, and we must work together for the fulfillment of this dream for our survival in hope. As our President puts it so very well:
"With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.
Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America."The Inaugural Address, 2009: Together with Abraham Lincoln's First and Second Inaugural Addresses and The Gettysburg Address and Ralph Waldo Emerson's Self-Reliance Overview

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Reading Obama: Dreams, Hope, and the American Political Tradition Review

Reading Obama: Dreams, Hope, and the American Political Tradition
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Reading Obama: Dreams, Hope, and the American Political Tradition Review"Conservative" is a word. A 'signifier' in the jargon of philosophy. As a 'word', it ought to have a meaning, to signify something. I've checked my American Heritage dictionary, and I find two primary meanings The first is: "tending to favor the preservation of the existing order". The second is: "moderate, prudent, cautious". To my mind, both meanings would perfectly fit Barack Obama as President, making him patently a "conservative" for better or worse. The "existing order" in the USA is the mixed and balanced economy - loosely watch-dogged capitalism with a modest safety net - paired with the mixed and balanced plan of governance established by the Constitution and its discreet number of amendments. That's NOT the order which radical extremists of the Right want to preserve! By that definition, Sarah Palin and Rand Paul are scarcely conservative. Likewise, it would be hard to make a case that someone who boasts of being a "rogue" and who has participated in a movement in Alaska to secede from the United States should be perceived as "moderate, prudent, cautious."
The Barack Obama whom Professor James Kloppenberg unreservedly admires, whose words and deeds remind the Harvard historian so clearly of those of James Madison, is above all a pragmatic moderate, not attracted to ideology per se of either the Right or the Left, a political man committed -- sincerely committed -- to "deliberative democracy." That commitment has been demonstrated from the beginning of Obama's presidency by his non-imperial relationship with Congress, the 'deliberative' branch of government, and by his cautious attempts to involve the "other party" in bi-partisan discourse. Here's a key paragraph from Dr. Kloppenberg's text:
""Obama is drawn toward the ideas of anti-foundationalism, historicism, and philosophical pragmatism. As an anti-foundationalist, he questions the existence of universal truths. As a historicist, he doubts that any ideas transcend the particularity of time and culture. Finally, as a philosophical pragmatist he insists that all propositions, positions, and policies must be subjected to continuing critical scrutiny. Whereas many activists on both the left and the right proclaim their incommensurable principles with the fervor of true believers, Obama sees things differently. He believes that anti-foundationalism, historicism, and philosophical pragmatism are consistent with the principles of civic republicanism and deliberative democracy on which America was built and for which it should stand.""
How has Dr. Kloppenberg formed this perception of a president so often described in radically different terms? By attentive reading of his two books and his hundreds of public speeches. By listening to the man's own words, analyzing their consistency, comparing them to the writings and speeches of the Founding Fathers of this republic as well as those of thinkers and leaders of the two centuries of America's 'experiment' in representative government. Dr. Kloppenberg finds that Pres. Obama's political values and positions are fundamentally consistent with the American tradition of reasoned disagreement, adaptation, and compromise -- in a word, Discourse. This entire book is devoted to enlarging and documenting the perception that Obama is whole-hearted in his devotion to "preserving" the equanimity established by the Constitution. Here are some lines that Prof. Kloppenberg quotes from a speech Obama delivered on August 31, 2010:
""The greatness of our democracy is grounded in our ability to move beyond our differences, and to learn from our experiences as we confront the many challenges ahead.""
Talk-show ranters might denounce that statement as mere rhetorical boiler-plate, but Dr. Kloppenberg argues that barack Obama means precisely what he says, and also means to govern accordingly. Deliberatively. Moderately.
Professor Kloppenberg does not often turn to Europe or to European politicians in his analysis, preferring to trace the influence of American thinkers from Madison to John Dewey to John Rawls, on the very American Barack Obama. But I find that his representation of Obama's 'mentality' seems remarkably close to the ideas of the contemporary German political philosopher Jurgen Habermas -- mentioned briefly by Kloppeneberg -- another 'thinker' regarded as too centrist by both Right and Left dogmatists. What Dr. Kloppenberg and Pres. Obama might call "foundationalism", Habermas simply calls "ideology", and what Kloppenberg calls "deliberation" Habermas calls "discourse". Under either name, deliberative democracy or discourse is the antidote to ideology. The 'discourse theory of morality', in Habermas's view, conceives morality as a collective and dialogical process of reaching consensus. The ultimate goal of such consensus is to to establish and/or preserve "the kinds of institutions ... needed to protect individuals against the attractions of political extremism, on the one hand, and the depredations of a burgeoning capitalist economy, on the other."
Habermas is a strenuous, abstruse thinker and a ponderous writer. So certainly is John Rawls. It wouldn't serve Barack Obama's electoral prospects to try to expound their notions to American audiences, though I'm fully certain that he is aware of them. Habermas is, above all, an "optimist" about the capacity of the public to "identify the social and institutional conditions that foster autonomy .... truly democratic institutions capable of withstanding the corrosive effects of capitalism and of the state administration." Now, THAT'S Moderation! Neither a statist nor an anarcho-capitalist be! And that seems to me to be the commitment to optimism that Barack Obama pledges.Reading Obama: Dreams, Hope, and the American Political Tradition Overview

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At Any Cost: How Al Gore Tried to Steal the Election Review

At Any Cost: How Al Gore Tried to Steal the Election
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At Any Cost: How Al Gore Tried to Steal the Election ReviewI agree with the reviewer from Melbourne and know many people who where going to vote for Bush but didn't only because of the fiasco in the media announcing Al Gore as the winner and that polls were closed.And how about all of the Military votes, many which would have gone to Bush whch were thrown out!A perfect example of Democratic Misbehavior.At Any Cost: How Al Gore Tried to Steal the Election Overview

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Armed Madhouse: Who's Afraid of Osama Wolf?, China Floats, Bush Sinks, The Scheme to Steal '08,No Child's Behind Left, and Other Dispatches from the Front Lines of th Review

Armed Madhouse: Who's Afraid of Osama Wolf, China Floats, Bush Sinks, The Scheme to Steal '08,No Child's Behind Left, and Other Dispatches from the Front Lines of th
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Armed Madhouse: Who's Afraid of Osama Wolf, China Floats, Bush Sinks, The Scheme to Steal '08,No Child's Behind Left, and Other Dispatches from the Front Lines of th ReviewThere's a spiffy, hip kind of feel to this nouveau Wobblie update on how George W. Bush and his craven cronies and currish corporate sponsors are trying to turn America into a kind of gargantuan banana republic. Even if half of world-renowned journalist Greg Palast's indictment is even fifty percent correct, Momma, pack the kids and the dog and my old guitar: this country is going to hell.
I've got a friend or two who have actually left the good old US of A for places like Panama and Canada, not so much out of fear of a neo-fascist takeover, but out of pure disgust, the kind of disgust that can only be bought with stolen elections and massive redistributions of the nation's wealth from the poor and the middle classes to the conspicuously rich.
Before reading this I couldn't believe that the Democrats were so incompetent and so stupid as to allow the Republicans to steal two national elections. Now I wonder if it matters whether they can prevent a third. Probably Hillary will win, but after four years of her, the power structure will have had enough and it'll be the reincarnation of some cardboard flunky like Reagan or some idiot like the present occupant who will be installed in power and who will again rob the treasury, sell off the public lands and start a war for ExxonMobil and kill a gook for God.
People like Cheney and Rumsfeld will probably be dead or deathlike, writing their mendacious memoirs, but there'll be others from the think tanks and the corporate world to look out for the interests of the ruling class. And, yes, the rich will get richer and the poor poorer and there's nothing new under the sun--although this "nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal" once seemed so.
Goodbye yellow brick road. Welcome to the armed madhouse!
The problem with America, with this democracy by capitalism, is that it isn't what it once was. We used to be the greatest country on earth. But sometime around the time that Kennedy got shot we began to change. We won the Cold War but it ruined us morally. With our idealism and sense of fair play compromised by our need to stem the tide of the red menace, we became, step by step, like every other country in the history of the world, hopelessly corrupt.
Clearly, if Palast is to be believed, we are corrupt, right down to the very core of our being. When elections are stolen in a democracy, it is no longer a democracy. When a powerful nation invades another country to control the supply of oil (as Palast charges) under false pretexts, it is no different than Iraq invading Kuwait or Germany invading Poland.
When a country allows profiteers to poison and despoil the land and the people (as Palast charges) that country is no better than the robber barons of old or the dictators of South America and Africa. When the president steals from the middle class to feed the gluttonous, the middle class will eventually dry up and die and we will have the wealth distribution pyramid of a banana republic.
Obviously this book will delight and entertain those on the left. Palast is a gifted writer as well as a tenacious researcher who serves well as a pied piper to those about to be disenfranchised. (People on the right will send him death threats.) I suggest you read this book regardless of how you feel about what is happening in America today and who's responsible. If nothing else, reading Palast's prose is an education in how to express yourself with verve, gumption, and the employment of le mot juste. Here's an example from pages 262-263. Noting that 59 million Americans actually cast votes for George W. Bush in 2004 (regardless of whether he really won or not), Palast writes:
What we witnessed on November 2, 2004, was a 59 million strong army of pinheads on parade ready to gamble away their pensions so long as George Bush makes sure that boys kill each other, not kiss; who feel right proud that our uniformed services can kick some scrawny brown people in the ass in some far-off place when we're mad and can't find Osama; who can't bring themselves to vote for a guy with a snooty Boston accent who's never been to a NASCAR tractor pull and who certainly thinks anyone who does [sic] is a low-Q [sic] beer-burping blockhead.
Palast adds, "Nitwits who think Ollie North's a hero not a conman, who can't name their congressman, who believe that Saddam Hussein and Osama bin Laden were going steady, who can't tell Afghanistan from a souvlaki stand and, bloated with lies and super size fries, clomped to the polls 59 million strong to vent their small-minded hatreds on us all."
He sums that up with, "I fear the election was an intelligence test that America failed."
It is said that domesticated animals are not as smart as the wild kind. It is put forward that humans were smarter in, say, 30,000 BCE than we are now. Some call it "devolution." We are domesticated animals: we and the massage of TV and fast foods and soft couches, and the pounding rhythms of the ads relentlessly aimed at us, have domesticated ourselves. Nowhere in the world is this truer than in America. Alas.Armed Madhouse: Who's Afraid of Osama Wolf, China Floats, Bush Sinks, The Scheme to Steal '08,No Child's Behind Left, and Other Dispatches from the Front Lines of th Overview

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In Justice: Inside the Scandal That Rocked the Bush Administration Review

In Justice: Inside the Scandal That Rocked the Bush Administration
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In Justice: Inside the Scandal That Rocked the Bush Administration ReviewOf the eight fired United States Attorneys over one year ago, no one seemed more representative of the hurt and bewilderment than David Iglesias, the U.S. Attorney for the District of New Mexico. His unusual heritage, military service and the fact that he was a Republican added heft to his Congressional testimony as he sought to tell his story about being sacked along with seven others. His new book, "In Justice" (which certainly could have been one word) is a terrific look at a moment when politics and justice met head-on with immediate unfortunate consequences...but consequences that provided a forum for truth re-establishing the upper hand over politics.
The firing of the attorneys, not only in the way it was handled but the premeditated way in which the plan was cooked up, would have been a disgrace by itself, but the fact that these noble men and women were also Republicans made the whole affair that much more curious. Much of the first half of "In Justice" is spent on background...Iglesias's upbringing in and out of the United States... and his emotional state when he learns of being fired and those subsequent feelings for days afterward. But the book really heats up when he testifies before the Senate and his spirit of fighting back comes to the fore. Chief among the original "black hats" are New Mexico Senator Pete Domenici and Congresswoman Heather Wilson, who each made improper calls to Iglesias during an ongoing case. The speculation then centers on who made up a master list of attorneys to be axed and exactly why the plan was ever devised. Iglesias and others contend that their loyalty, which was not blind to the Bush White House, was a deciding factor in their collective dismissals and as the facts tumbled out, this became a very likely primary reason. What remains a mystery to this day is who orchestrated the move. Was it the hapless former Attorney General, Alberto Gonzales, who seemed to have a major problem with memory...? Karl Rove, whose fingerprints tend to be on or near every White House catastrophe....? Or, did the president have any hand in the matter? One might suspect that as this feckless administration comes to an end, more and more insiders will be telling their own tales of woe, and we may learn much more about this particular case. I hope for David Iglesias's sake and for the sake of the other fired attorneys, that the whole truth will someday be revealed. I highly recommend "In Justice" and commend David Iglesias for helping to get this story out and for his narrative as to why it ever took place at all.In Justice: Inside the Scandal That Rocked the Bush Administration Overview

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