Family of Freedom: Presidents and African Americans in the White House Review

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Family of Freedom: Presidents and African Americans in the White House ReviewFor anyone who fully realizes what the United States has accomplished by electing our first African American Chief Executive, Kenneth T. Walsh's new book, "Family of Freedom" will only deepen their appreciation. Beginning with President-elect Barack Obama's memorable speech in Chicago, Walsh then details the history of so many African-Americans who have influenced every President since George Washington - a man who's own attitude towards slavery reversed so dramatically during his lifetime. Who cannot recognize the deep irony of a country revering itself as the bastion of freedom and democracy with an Executive Mansion built by an enslaved people who, for generations, endured lifelong conditions of the most extreme hardship, toil and degradation?
Concluding with a telling and in-depth interview of the President himself, Walsh covers every aspect of this country's controversial and troubling relationship with deep racial bias and bigotry in a direct, heartful and personal writing style. This book should be required reading for younger generations of Americans, who now may have a chance to experience what it means to be the citizen of a country where people are able to live up to an ideal that even the founding fathers, themselves, could never fully grasp, let alone experience. I found Mr. Walsh's "Family of Freedom" to be a superlative resource on the racial history of the White House.Family of Freedom: Presidents and African Americans in the White House Overview

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CELEBRATING THE REPUBLIC: PRESIDENTIAL CEREMONY AND POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY, FROM WASHINGTON TO MONROE Review

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CELEBRATING THE REPUBLIC: PRESIDENTIAL CEREMONY AND POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY, FROM WASHINGTON TO MONROE ReviewIn CELEBRATING THE REPUBLIC author Sandra Moats presents a highly engaging and entertaining narrative that explores the initial development of Presidential ceremony while simultaneously underscoring the continuities of American political life that remain with us to this very day.
Moats focuses her attention most closely upon the ceremonial approaches of three of the first five Presidents of the United States: George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, and James Monroe. While these early chief executives were all concerned to establish and enhance the inherent dignity of the Presidency, their differing styles are clearly illustrated in Moats's highly detailed and authoritative work. Beginning with Washington's preference for a more monarchic approach to the office complete with levees and official tours, turning to Jefferson's more austere republicanism that shunned aristocratic elements to such an extent that there was talk of war with the scandalized British, and concluding with Monroe's efforts to synthesize the most effective aspects of the contrasting styles of his two great predecessors, Moats presents a thorough litany of the banquets, receptions, and travels through which these men interacted with the sovereign citizens of the nation.
Moats, however, goes far beyond mere Presidential itineraries to explore the reactions of various elements of the US populace to their Presidents' ceremonial efforts. In doing so, she reminds us that the occasionally bitter partisan and regional debates that often define American politics in our time have in fact been an integral part of the political landscape of the United States since its earliest days. If perhaps more subtly engaged in the late Eighteenth and early Nineteenth Centuries, nonetheless rancorous political conflict was certainly not unknown to the newspaper editors, officeholders, and political party operatives in the first decades of the nation's existence. Through her focus upon Presidential ceremony and its consequences in American public opinion, Moats reminds us that vigorous political debate and the inflamed passions that often accompany it are nothing new.
As such, Sandra Moats has written a most excellent book that can be appreciated both as an exploration of the foundations of the Presidential ceremonial we see today and as proof that the style of our modern, party-based politics does indeed have its roots in the era of the Founding Fathers. Regardless of whether primary interest is found in Presidential protocol or politics, any American history enthusiast will thoroughly enjoy this volume.CELEBRATING THE REPUBLIC: PRESIDENTIAL CEREMONY AND POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY, FROM WASHINGTON TO MONROE Overview

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WHORES: Why and How I Came to Fight the Establishment Review

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WHORES: Why and How I Came to Fight the Establishment ReviewAuthor Larry Klayman, founder of Judicial Watch, writes an autobiographical account of his war to promote ethical behavior in politicians. Klayman gave up Judicial Watch when he ran for Senator in Florida some years ago and is trying to get it back as well as running his new organization "Freedom Watch". This book chronicles his early life and legal battles with crooked politicians and others from both parties.
I don't know of anyone else who has sued both the Clintons and the Dick Cheney besides Klayman. Klayman is generally conservative but not really a party Republican. And his positions are up-to-the-minute accurate with the current revolt among the rank and file Republicans to overthrow the corrupt neo-cons and liberals that have taken over their party. So this book is as current as possible and has just barely been published.
Because the big publishing companies that are now foreign owned and controlled have an interest in preserving the status quo, this book is not getting the press it ought to.
Yes, Larry Klayman sued his own mother - to keep his neglected grandmother alive.
But as I read this book about some incredible villains, I kept track of the names of the people who Klayman proved, many times in a court of law, to be unethical traitors. Sit down. Take a deep breath.
Page 58 details how Leon Pannetta, a Clinton official, personally obstructed justice illegally in the Ron Brown (Clinton Secretary of Commerce) matters. Leon Pannetta is now the director of the Central Intelligence Agency.
Hillary Clinton personally tells Secretary Ron Brown to sell seats on the trade mission to China, breaking multiple laws and committing high treason on page 59. First lady Hillary Clinton became a Senator from New York and is currently Secretary of State.
Page 59 details charges from Ron Brown's mistress that both Clintons basically ordered a "hit" on Ron Brown. Secretary Ron Brown, the supposed victim of a plane crash, was found to have a bullet hole in his head by not just one, but three doctors but they were ordered not to investigate or perform an autopsy.
Melissa Moss who destroyed the Ron Brown papers sought by Klayman in his Freedom of Information requests is now an investment adviser hob-nobbing with the likes of Jonathan Silverman, Henry Waxman and John Dingell in an article from October 15 of this year. Guess crime does pay.
Pages 59 and 62 detail some of the claims against Harold Ickes including treason and obstructing justice. Harold Ickes is currently Oil Czar in the Obama administration.
On page 61 a Justice department official blackmails a witness. That official, Eric Holder, is now Attorney Gnereral of the United States of America.
Page 68 has Johnny Chung accusing President Bill Clinton of causing Ron Brown's death.
Page 77 has Georgew Stephenopouls lying under oath. Page 78 has James Carville sanctioned by a court for lying. Page 88 tells of 2 sitting members of the House of Representatives Barney Frank and Rep. Gunderson, both homosexuals, blackmailing Gingrich with their knowledge of Gingrich's affair with a staffer.
There are plenty of unethical and traitorous Republicans in the book also, but since they are out of power right now I haven't detailed them.
Anyway, I could go on and on. And where is the outrage? Why isn't Klayman on the Sunday morning political shows? Where is the New York TImes and the Washington Post?
Yes traitors and scum control our government and both parties. No, there is nothing you can do about it except try your best to support people like Klayman and vote in some ethical people to replace the crooks that are in charge. It will be a long and hard fight, but it must be done if we wish to have any country left at all for our children and grand-children. And thank you Larry Klayman for writing it all down and documenting it.WHORES: Why and How I Came to Fight the Establishment Overview

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The Prospect of Presidential Rhetoric (Presidential Rhetoric and Political Communication) Review

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The Prospect of Presidential Rhetoric (Presidential Rhetoric and Political Communication) ReviewThe Prospect of Presidential Rhetoric is a must-have for any scholars or future scholars of political rhetoric. The last 1/3 of the book is made up of "task force reports" on various niches of the spectrum of presidential rhetoric. Dozens of scholars collaborated on these reports, and their thorough overviews and suggestions for further research provide an excellent foundation for scholars and enthusiasts alike.The Prospect of Presidential Rhetoric (Presidential Rhetoric and Political Communication) Overview

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Bad Advice: Bush's Lawyers in the War on Terror Review

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Bad Advice: Bush's Lawyers in the War on Terror ReviewWe are now in an intense national debate about Bush administration policies that affect persons suspected of attacking America on and after 9/11. If you want to understand the role of indispensable players in the formulation of these policies -- the lawyers who advised President Bush, Vice President Cheney, and others in the Executive branch -- you will read "Bad Advice." The author, Harold Bruff, a leading expert on the separation of powers (see another of his books, "Balance of Forces"), tells the story with great care and without ideological bias; the book may be profitably read both by supporters and critics of the Bush administration. Mr. Bruff looks at dilemmas long faced by advisors who want to support their president, while at the same time giving him opinions consistent with the law. He analyzes how President Bush's lawyers fared in three cases: authorization of warrantless surveillance, detetion and trial of suspected enemies, and interrogation of detainees.
Although all lawyers will want this book on their shelves, it is by no means just for insiders. Bruff, ever attentive to the human element, gives insights into persons currently in the news -- Alberto Gonzales, John Yoo, Jay Bybee, David Addington to name a few -- and others from earlier times, including Sir Thomas More, Abraham Lincoln (his own best lawyer), and Robert Jackson, FDR's Attorney General, a Supreme Court Justice, and lead prosecutor at Nuremberg.
In the tradition of all good books, "Bad Advice" not only informs, it entertains.Bad Advice: Bush's Lawyers in the War on Terror Overview

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How Bush Rules: Chronicles of a Radical Regime Review

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How Bush Rules: Chronicles of a Radical Regime ReviewBy virtue of being an organized series of past short columns, most two pages to three pages in length, this book may be off-putting to the average reader, but for either insiders or those who care deeply about moral legitimate governance, this is a real page turner.
The author renders a valuable service in providing an original 23 page "tour of the horizon" that captures many but not all of the impeachable offenses of the Bush-Cheney team. In Florida, for example, his emphasis is on Bushophiles stopping the recount, not on the fact that Greg Pabst broke the story BEFORE the election that 35,000 people of color had been disenfranchised by Jeb Bush in a calculated plan to cheat the American public out of an honest election.
As someone who has read most but not all of the books covering this era (it merits comment that in its radical being, the Bush-Cheney Administration has inspired more books of the moment than any other previous President, as best I can tell), I found the collection of essays logical, reasoned, relevant, and depressing. This is a litany of high crimes and misdemeanors that demands the question: why hasn't this pair been impeached? The obvious answer is because they own Congress, which has abdicated its roles at the first (Article 1) branch of government, the less obvious answer is because the public has become both ignorant and inert, the worst nightmare of Thomas Jefferson and Justice Branstein combined.
A few highlights along the trail:
Intelligence wars, with Cheney first trying to intimidate the CIA, then ignoring it.
Cheney killing the policy process, ruling by dogma.
Rice negligent & incompetent, as well as disloyal to Scowcroft, subversive of Powell, and ultimately the "butterfly of the State Department."
Senate Select Committee on Intelligence betraying the people's trust and its responsibility, the majority concealing and delaying accountability.
Bush leveraging religions, creating the first major violation of the Founding Fathers' insistence on a secular state with tolerance of all religions.
Government in crisis, Bush-Cheney at war with the professionals.
Iran, not US, winning in Iraq.
Bolton as a "neo-primitive" (for the cognoscenti, the author renders gifted turns of phrase at every turn).
Catholic Church as a neo-fascist extreme right element more in harmony with the Bush regime than any protestant might imagine.
The invisible shrinking president seeking to uphold a doctrine of presidential infallibility.
The summary at the beginning of the book is alone worth the price of the book, and takes this collection of insightful and well-sequenced essays from four to five stars.
My one thought in putting the book down was that the author may have been unduly kind to Cheney. If one reads the The One Percent Doctrine: Deep Inside America's Pursuit of Its Enemies Since 9/11 it is clear Cheney has mounted an internal coup d'etat and is NOT briefing Bush, is actively WITHHOLDING from Bush critical information, and appears to be deliberately REVERSING decisions by Bush made in Cabinet sessions and the over-turned in the dark. The full story on Cheney's machinations remains to be told.
EDIT of 10 Dec 07: We now know that Dick Cheney is a nakely amoral person and has committed 25 documents acts of commission or omission that in my judgement demand that he be impeached. See, in addition to One Percent Doctrine, Vice: Dick Cheney and the Hijacking of the American Presidency. My review there items 23 act, the other two are in One Percent Doctrine.
The book has an index, mostly of names.How Bush Rules: Chronicles of a Radical Regime Overview

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The William Howard Taft Presidency (American Presidency (Univ of Kansas Hardcover)) Review

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The William Howard Taft Presidency (American Presidency (Univ of Kansas Hardcover)) ReviewNot much has been written about William Howard Taft's Presidency, especially in its own right. When one thinks of the turn of the century, attention turns naturally to the energetic, trust-busting, roustabout populism of that denizen of Mount Rushmore, Theodore Roosevelt, or to the crucial years of Woodrow Wilson and his stewardship during the First World War. Considering the critical leadership (and high historical appreciation) of those two Presidents, it becomes very easy to gloss over or misunderstand Taft's own years in the White House, especially since he is lost in the middle of two seminal two-term Presidents.
This is not to say that Taft was a spectacularly effective, or even critically important, President. There is a reason that he has been consigned to the metaphorical dust heap of history. What Gould finally addresses, evenhandedly, are the inner workings and struggles of Taft in an office he was never truly suited to inhabit. Here, one gets a sense of looking over Taft's shoulder as he attempts to shun the image of Roosevelt's iconic grappling of presidential power. Let's face it: just as John Adams, Harry Truman, and Lyndon Johnson were unfairly crushed in popular opinion by the shadow of their predecessors, so Taft could never hope to succeed following TR. Gould covers that crucial point and also elaborates on a number of critical mistakes that Taft made that hurt his cause. In fact, Taft's presidency reads as a manual of all the things NOT to do in order to succeed in the White House: lose the public image battle (WHT's love of golf as his recreational habit simultaneously portrays him as "elitist" and exposes him to unflattering photographs highlighting his weight, further contrasting him with TR), issue confusing contradictions of public policy decisions, hire unqualified people to handle your crucial departments, and add a healthy dose of bad luck and controversial economic decisions to the mix.
The bottom line about the book is: this is THE book to read about WHT AND also essential for anybody interested in the era. Not only does Taft's foreign policy decisions foreshadow WWI and Latin American troubles of the 20th Century, but Gould always highlights, correctly, how Taft's presidency led to the modern Republican party. By reneging on his promise to extend TR's progressive agenda, he caused a schism in the GOP that expelled the more progressive and moderate members of the party into independent and Democratic causes. As a result, the Republican party maintained its approval of laissez-faire economics and dissaproval of union power, at the expense of its more progressive social policy base. As a result, the Democratic party ascended to the major party of power for most of the 20th Century until the 1970s. Until Nixon, the Republicans were only able to elect Harding, Coolidge, Hoover, and Eisenhower to the Oval Office. In that way, Taft influenced 20th Century politics in his most pervasive way. At 215 pages, it is an easy read, and Gould pentrates the inner workings of this deceptively simple time in ways that keeps the reader engaged throughout the narrative.
For those of you who are trying to read a biography of every president, this is the one to read for Taft.The William Howard Taft Presidency (American Presidency (Univ of Kansas Hardcover)) Overview

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Kids' Letters to President Obama Review

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Kids' Letters to President Obama ReviewApril 25, 2009

BOOK REVIEW: Kids Write the Darndest Things to President Obama

By David M. Kinchen


* * *

Dear President Obama:

Can I come over for a sleepover with Sasha at the White House? I've never been to a sleepover before and that would be super fun!

Your Friend,
Eliana, age 6
Salem, OR

* * *

That was just one of more than 200 letters that are assembled in "Kids' Letters to President Obama (Ballantine Books, 192 pages, $15.00) collected and edited by Bill Adler and his son Bill Adler Jr. The senior Adler compiled a similar book of letters from kids to President John F. Kennedy.

Regardless of your political views, you'll enjoy the humor, insights and fresh openness displayed in these letters, many written as class projects in school and submitted by the teachers of the kids.

Many of the letters are from black boys and girls, inspired by the election of the nation's first African American -- in its truest sense, since Barack Obama's father was a native of Kenya -- president.

* * *

Dear President Obama,

As a Black female, I'm going to try to be the first woman president, and the first Black woman president at that -- that is, if no one beats me to it.

If we could meet face to face I would be so honored. In a couple of years you will be a legend. One day I will be able to tell my children and grandchildren, "The first Black president was elected."

Sincerely,
Kiana, age 12
Anderson, SC

* * *

The father and son editing team include many photos of actual letters, spelling errors and all. Many of the letters have artwork on them. The editors also include at the end of the book a glossary, er "glosery" --- a "Short Gide to Understanding the Kreative Spelings That Kidz Used."

* * *

Art Linkletter wasn't kidding when he said "Kids Say the Darndest Things" and used it as the title of a TV series that debuted in 1998.

The letters to President Obama collected in this book have the frankness that children display when they're left to their own devices. One child offers to help the new president with his bowling game: "I will help you learn to bowl because you don't know how to bowl."

Another correspondent asks: "Do you think you could pass a law making chocolate a vegetable in our country?"

Yet another suggests a tension reliever for the president: "You should bring a yo-yo to the White House."

The book went to press before the First Family picked out their dog and young correspondents suggested various breeds, including a pit bull, a labrador, a border collie and a bichon frise.

* * *

The youthful letter writers expect a lot from Barack Obama. Consider this letter:

Dear President Obama,

My name is Imanne. My family of five and I live in Berkeley, California. I am in third grade.

I think that you have a chance to improve the United States. Many schools in America are not doing doing very well. Children are not getting a proper education.

I also think that you should do something about alcohol and drugs. Many people are getting addicted to them. People are going crazy and doing things they wouldn't have done before.

Please think about what I said and consider doing something about it.

Sincerely,
Imanne, age 8
Berkeley, CA

* * *

As a big fan of reading aloud, I think "Kids' Letters to President Obama" would make a great reading aloud book. It would also be a very appropriate gift to a young child advancing to another grade, for a birthday present or just as a gift to a child for no special reason. Toys break, but books live forever. A note to parents, grandparents and other relatives: You'll enjoy the book, too!

About the Editors:
Bill Adler is a literary agent and the author of numerous books, including several New York Times bestsellers. He created the Kids' Letters series of books, including Kids' Letters to President Kennedy and Letters from Camp, which have sold more than one million copies. He lives in New York City.

Bill Adler, Jr., is a writer living in Washington, D.C. He is the author of more than twenty books, including Kids' E-mail and Letters from Camp and Outwitting Squirrels, which has sold more than 300,000 copies.

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The Trial of Donald Rumsfeld: A Prosecution by Book Review

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The Trial of Donald Rumsfeld: A Prosecution by Book ReviewU.S. politics has become something previously only found in science fiction, an intersection of parallel universes. One universe is the one on television and in Congress. In this universe there are suspicions that someone in the U.S. military may have used some technique bordering on torture, but there's just no way to know for sure. Perhaps an investigation would be a good idea. Or maybe a better solution would be to elect a new president, especially one who's been a victim of torture and opposes it. But the whole topic is very minor one, and the correct position is unclear since torture is both frowned on and useful for getting tough on terrorists.
In the other universe, John McCain has been supporting torture for years now, but virtually every informed observer recognizes that torture serves no practical purpose and is dragging world opinion of the United States into the gutter, making us less safe. In this other world, we encounter information like that collected in a new book by Michael Ratner called "The Trial of Donald Rumsfeld." We discover that there is voluminous evidence in the form of photographs and first-hand testimony that our nation has been engaged in using a wide array of the most abusive torture techniques possible for years now, resulting in many known cases of murder -- of the torture resulting in death.
In this other world, sometimes known as reality, there is extensive documentary evidence that torture has been authorized by many top U.S. officials, including George Bush, Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, George Tenet, Stephen Cambone, Ricardo Sanchez, Geoffrey Miller, Walter Wojdakowski, Thomas Pappas, Barbara Fast, Marc Warren, Alberto Gonzales, William James Haynes II, David Addington, John C. Yoo, and Jay Bybee. There are other names that could be added, but those are the individuals indicted in Ratner's book. Ratner actually leaves out Bush and Cheney, but says he is only doing so because they are still in office.
Ratner presents the evidence against these torturers, and then presents substantial evidence in their defense in the form of memos they've written trying to argue that what is blatantly illegal is legal. Then Ratner debunks their claims. His book does for torture what Elizabeth de la Vega's book ("U.S. v. Bush et alia") did for defrauding a nation into war: it lays out the case to a grand jury, or to a jury. There is sufficient evidence in this book to put these people behind bars. There is sufficient material here to understand how these criminals would defend themselves in court as well. And all of this exists in a world apart from Congress and television.
I'm not arguing for actual conviction by book. While we can guess how people might defend themselves, they must be given a fair chance to actually do so before being convicted. But every book like this that emerges should help us break through the erroneous idea that we need to investigate before we can conclude that torture has been committed, that it is illegal, and that the individuals named above bear legal responsibility for it.
In the parallel universe inhabited by Congress, the furthest reaches of advocacy for justice are inhabited by things like the resolution Rep. Tammy Baldwin introduced on Friday, urging the next president to please stop committing some of the unconstitutional and illegal abuses of the current one, but at the same time urging the next president to investigate whether the current one or any of his subordinates committed any crimes. This eternal demand for investigations (even while acknowledging the crimes) is much like the demand of other politicians for additional proof before they'll believe global warming exists. Both pretenses are motivated by corrupting influences. To admit that no investigations are needed of torture and war crimes would be to admit that Congress could very quickly impeach the president if it chose to. Baldwin is one of a small minority of Congress members who have supported impeachment. She announced her new resolution on a Friday night during a presidential debate when almost nobody would notice and focused it entirely on appealing to the executive branch not to misuse its dictatorial powers, as opposed to stripping those powers away and restoring Congress to its proper place in our government. And 434 other Congress members did even less than that.
Books can't cross from one universe to another. Nobody could pretend further investigations were needed if they held a copy of Ratner's book. Ratner lays out the case on torture, including the evidence, the counter-arguments, and their refutations, exactly as if we were all living in the real world. Prosecution is possible abroad, but courts abroad will be heavily influenced by the amount of public pressure we can create for prosecution within the United States. Strategies for prosecution within the United States and abroad are being organized. The trick will be to properly merge this movement with the universe of the media-congressional-military complex.
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The Decline and Fall of the American Republic (Tanner Lectures on Human Values) Review

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The Decline and Fall of the American Republic (Tanner Lectures on Human Values) ReviewIn his book The Decline and Fall of the American Republic, Professor Ackerman begins by condemning the triumphalism that surrounds most discussions of the American Constitution. He professes to be (or to have been) a triumphalist himself, since his constitutional theory features a distinctive hero: not the Founders nor the New Deal's success in adapting classical constitutional forms reinforced by the Warren Court, but the ordinary American citizens who have shaped the country's fundamental commitments over the centuries.
But he also acknowledges that next to a bright side of American constitutional history stands a dark one. This is represented by the transformation of the presidency into a real and present danger to the American republic, as a result of developments that were not anticipated by the Founders: the rise of political parties, mass media, and massive bureaucratic and military establishments.
In view of this one must ask: can the transformation of American constitutional law described in The Decline and Fall of the American Republic be viewed in terms of Professor Ackerman's theory of constitutional moments? Furthermore, can his proposals concerning the reform of the presidency be attained by means of this theory? The answers to both questions are, I'm afraid, negative.
It appears there are several differences between the theory of constitutional moments and the transformations the American presidency is currently enduring. The theory of constitutional moments makes the best of a characteristic feature of the American system which consists in undercutting the pretensions of any particular branch to serve as the unique spokesman for the people. This means that a constitutional moment cannot really occur in a moment; it takes a lot of time before a political movement can obtain the popular support required to speak for the people. This is arguably what happened at the Founding, after the Civil War and with the New Deal.
But the strengthening of the presidency is not the result of a constitutional moment. This is because we are now confronted with real "moments" in time and precisely for that reason they are scarcely "constitutional". The president claims to be the only spokesman for the people with the exclusion of any other branch, not least because he pretends to act in response to an emergency situation (even if this situation will never end), and this claim makes obsolete the very distinction between constitutional and normal politics. Furthermore, this distinction is also made obsolete by a new feature of presidential politics, that is, government by the polls.
The pessimism persists if we turn to the question whether Professor Ackerman's proposals concerning the reform of the presidency - such as Deliberation Day, a National Endowment for Journalism, a new Canon of Military Ethics, the Popular Sovereignty to revise the Electoral College and the Supreme Executive Tribunal - can be attained by means of his theory of constitutional moments. In theory that would surely be possible, even desirable, since a "constitutional moment" is often triggered on by a "transformative president" who wants to inscribe a new constitutional vision into statute law and judicial precedents.
However, in the final pages of The Decline and Fall of the American Republic, Professor Ackerman makes clear his opinion that President Obama is not up to the job of a "transformative president". But even if he were, one must ask: how transformative can one expect a president to be, if it's his own powers that are at stake? It seems that the internal logic of the theory of constitutional moments has been pushed to its limit.
So The Decline and Fall of the American Republic is really about the sinking of republican values as a basic pattern of the past two centuries of American constitutional history, a pattern so forcefully and brilliantly put up by Professor Ackerman in his past books.
Professor Ackerman thinks, however, that the death of the republic does not necessarily mean the end of democracy. Even if the American constitutional tradition is overwhelmed by presidential power he maintains that the presidency may well remain an elective office. I think this is part of an effort to save his theory of American constitutional history. But can we maintain a democracy without keeping it republican?

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31 Days: The Crisis That Gave Us the Government We Have Today Review

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31 Days: The Crisis That Gave Us the Government We Have Today ReviewFor those of us old enough to remember the summer of 1974 when the House Judiciary Committee voted articles of impeachment which ultimately led to the resignation of Richard Nixon, Barry Werth's new book, "31 Days" is a wonderful chronicle of that time. Although the book begins with the Nixon resignation (after the House vote) and ends essentially with Gerald Ford's pardon of Nixon, Werth presents a fascinating view of 1974....not only regarding the political scene but related areas which affected President Ford during his first month in office.
Needless to say, Ford entered the presidency as no one before him had. He needed to make decisions about the soaring inflation the United States was facing as well as growing unemployment on the homefront. In international policy Ford had to address not only the beleaguered American presence in Vietnam, the continuing problems in the Middle East but also a coup and subsequent Turkish invasion of Cyprus. On top of that Ford needed to find a vice-president.... to replace himself. However, the largest piece of the picture was what would Ford do with Nixon? "31 Days" centers around this aspect and it's a fascinating walk down memory lane.
How it was that Gerald Ford decided how and when to pardon the disgraced former president makes "31 Days" riveting. No one had a clue that Ford would use his power of pardon and Werth accurately describes the aftermath of that early September announcement. The honeymoon Ford enjoyed was over in a flash. Yet it is also a good connection that the author makes about how Ford might have decided things with regard to Nixon....he was contemplating a concurrent, limited amnesty for Vietnam draft dodgers and as he wanted them to "work their way back" into American society, so, too, had Ford wished to get a deeper sense of "mea culpa" from Nixon....something he really never got. As Werth points out, Ford's own relationship with his natural father and his peacemaking abilities he demonstrated between his father and mother almost certainly played a role in Ford's pardon. He simply wanted to do what was right for the good of the country and move on with life. However, as Werth points out in his epilogue, Ford's actions made things worse....it cost the Republicans massively in the midterm elections that fall and without a doubt contributed to Ford's narrow loss to Jimmy Carter in 1976.
There are one or two things which reminded me of how long ago 1974 seems, sometimes. One cannot even fathom today a Republican president choosing a moderate to liberal Republican like Nelson Rockefeller as his vice-president. To think as well that Democrats controlled the Congress in large numbers...many of their ranks coming from southern states. Werth makes some good parallels to the current administration, noting that Don Rumsfeld and Dick Cheney were instrumental characters during the Ford years. And as if the author weren't prescient enough.... how alike the Bush White House is to Nixon's......two secretive administrations dealing with unpopular wars.
"31 Days" is a book I highly recommend....not only for the revelations of the behind-the-scenes White House activities of August, 1974, but the analogies to the current political climate in Washington today....analogies which seem to unfold on a weekly basis. Werth's book is a good lesson in history.
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The President's Table: Two Hundred Years of Dining and Diplomacy Review

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The President's Table: Two Hundred Years of Dining and Diplomacy ReviewBarry Landau's wonderful book deserves special attention as it covers an area, for the most part, largely ignored by historians. In addition to broad general appeal, this book will particularly interest history buffs, gourmands, socialites, collectors, and scholars. History is most truly enjoyed through the tangible items that provide us a connection to our past, as well as, the stories that make those from the past come alive and more human. Landau has masterfully connected the two elements and created a wonderful saga that threads its way through our country's major events, all through a unique lens. A tremendously enjoyable and elaborate presentation of American material culture interspersed with the historic stories of dining, grand celebrations, and the subtle nuances of diplomacy and politics --- often as major events unfolded over food and drink. Not only is it beautifully presented but the material, fondly collected over 40 years, is a resource and collection of the first order. It is lavishly illustrated and thoughtfully organized with succinct yet insightful descriptions of each administration. He knows his subject. Further, the author's credentials could not be more relevant. Barry Landau has had the unique opportunity to participate on the stage of which he writes. His mother, lovingly acknowledged in the book for sparking his lifelong interest and thus this book, would be proud. I am told he is now working on a second volume. Let's hope it is an equally engaging companion to this one, and that he doesn't wait long!The President's Table: Two Hundred Years of Dining and Diplomacy Overview

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The Greatest Presidential Stories Never Told: 100 Tales from History to Astonish, Bewilder, and Stupefy Review

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The Greatest Presidential Stories Never Told: 100 Tales from History to Astonish, Bewilder, and Stupefy ReviewDo you know the story of the little girl who convinced Abraham Lincoln to grow a beard, or the story about the woman who became President?
If you have not heard these stories, "The Greatest Presidential Stories Never Told" by Rick Beyer is a must read for you!!
Rick Beyer is a history enthusiast and has done work on several programs presented on the History Channel. In his book, he has compiled Presidential stories to whet the appetite of the reader for more. And in addition to all the information included in the book, the author provides a list of resources where the reader can obtain more information.
Did you know that Gerald Ford once worked as a model and helped found one of the Country's leading modelling agency? Or the story about the sheep that once lived on the White House lawn?
Did you know that although Thomas Jefferson was "the greatest inventor who ever lived in the White House", he was not the one President to ever obtain a patent for one of his inventions?
Did you know that only one President was ever given a speeding ticket? Or that George Washington was not our first President?
These are but a few of the stories included in this very entertaining book. Rick Beyer has done a great job of collecting these stories and putting them to paper.
"The Greatest Presidential Stories Never Told" is very well written and enhanced with lots of great photographs. It is interesting, informative, educational, and altogether a great read!
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The Real Making of the President: Kennedy, Nixon, and the 1960 Election (American Presidential Elections) Review

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The Real Making of the President: Kennedy, Nixon, and the 1960 Election (American Presidential Elections) ReviewThis book's title is a reference to journalist Theodore White's book about the 1960 presidential election, *The Making of the President, 1960,* published in 1961. In addition to being a best-seller, White's book was the first in a series of books on US presidential elections and set the tone for the interpretation of the 1960 election, a tone which glamorized John F. Kennedy as the "good guy" and Richard M. Nixon as the "villain" and which viewed the outcome as the triumph of liberalism over conservatism. Now along comes historian W.J. Rorabaugh who wants to peel away the onion and get at the "real" 1960 election and to re-evaluate this contest and its significance. What, then, does he find?
Perhaps his most interesting observation is the key role played by the southern states in the outcome. JFK selected Lyndon B. Johnson as his V.P. for a simple reason: he needed him to win the election. LBJ campaigned effectively in the South and brought Texas' 24 electoral votes (and those of many other southern states), without which the Democrats probably could not have won the presidency.
Rorabaugh also believes Nelson Rockefeller would have run stronger against JFK than Nixon. And that the GOP's choice for V.P., Henry Cabot Lodge, was a disaster, as for example, when he pledged in a Harlem campaign speech that Nixon would name an African American to his cabinet.
Other important outcome factors, according to Rorabaugh, include: the Democrats' very effective use of videotape and television; JFK's access to a personal airplane; huge sums of money, thanks in part to Joseph Kennedy; JFK's early recruitment of a talented staff and superb organization; JFK's adeptness at manipulating and catering to the media; and of course the first of the televised "debates" between Nixon and Kennedy which helped the underdog JFK immensely.
Going way beyond White, we also learn that JFK's staff members were not always the good guys, that they sometimes used dark tactics ("dirty tricks") to their advantage. Just ask the Hubert Humphrey campaign people about what happened in the Wisconsin and especially the West Virginia primaries, primaries that were decisive in JFK winning his party's nomination. It's hard to say for sure which candidate benefited more from the religious issue, but Rorabaugh's conservative conclusion on this issue is that JFK's victory proved that a Roman Catholic could finally be elected to the highest office in the land, thus helping to break down barriers in the future for minorities. As for White's portrayal of JFK's liberalism vs. Nixon's conservatism, the author says neither candiate cared much about ideology.
Rorabaugh doesn't do much with JFK's sex life, in case anyone was wondering. He notes that both JFK and his campaign manager-brother, Bobby, played loose with the accusation that JFK was suffering from Addison's disease, a charge made initially by LBJ's friends. (JFK did have Addison's but not the common type of this disease, so this could have provided the technicality for their denial.) I found it interesting that the author talks very little about Jacqueline Kennedy's role in the campaign. One tidbit that I was not aware of is that Jacqueline had never voted before, and on election day 1960 voted, but only for her husband.
I suspect that this book will now be considered the "standard" work on the 1960 election. (But don't overlook Gary A. Donaldson's 2007 book titled *The First Modern Campaign: Kennedy, Nixon and the Election of 1960*.) I also suspect that many readers will find this book a bit on the dry side. I did. But I'm aware that Rorabaugh has written a couple previous books on the 1960s, and I intend to read and comment on them.
Tim Koerner May 2009
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Rawhide Down: The Near Assassination of Ronald Reagan Review

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Rawhide Down: The Near Assassination of Ronald Reagan ReviewThis is both an informative book and a very entertaining one.
The action is very engaging as we learn what was going on in the hospital room with Reagan's doctor's and nurses, what was going on in the White House (for example, what lead to A. Haig telling the world that HE was in charge), what was happening with the shooter, and what was going on with the Secret Service and the FBI.
The author is extremely good at making all the people involved seem like real people that we get to know instead of just stale characters in history. He is also excellent at describing the scene to the point that the reader can feel they are there. Reading this book is like watching a movie--only better.
Though the book starts a bit slow as it leads the reader up to the shooting, the author then kicks into high gear and keeps the reader reading on and on and on until the end. After the mild start, once I moved on into the book, I didn't want to put it down.
Some who may not be impressed with Reagan may be a bit annoyed that the author obviously holds Reagan in high regard, but even they should come away impressed with the author's insight into history.
I gave this book a 5-star rating because it was so enjoyable to read and I learned a bunch of stuff I didn't know. Also, I am not sure how it could be written any better.
This is a very well-written book that not only entertains but gives a wonderful view of history. I am impressed. I would recommend it to anyone with an interest in this part of history, whether or not they like Reagan.
Well done.Rawhide Down: The Near Assassination of Ronald Reagan Overview

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Presidential Power: Unchecked & Unbalanced Review

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Presidential Power: Unchecked & Unbalanced ReviewThere has been a flurry of books about what Charlie Savage in Takeover - which is one of them - has termed the 'return of the imperial presidency'. Now while most of the books in particular seem to blame the Bush-Cheney administration for the usurpation of executive powers, Crenson and Ginsberg provide a much needed historical and structural analysis of the phenomenon, going back to the beginnings of the Republic. Crenson and Ginsberg convincingly argue that one of the more structural causes of the rise of presidential power is the weakening of the American party system. In the old days parties had a much stronger grip on the selection of presidential candidates. Nowadays, due to the primary system, campaigns are all about personalities who do not merely want to serve their country but aspire nothing less than change history. So if you want to go beyond the last eight years and the post 9/11 analysis of the rise of executive power, this is your best pick.
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Democracy Denied: How Obama is Ignoring You and Bypassing Congress to Radically Transform America - and How to Stop Him Review

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Democracy Denied: How Obama is Ignoring You and Bypassing Congress to Radically Transform America - and How to Stop Him ReviewPhil Kerpen has a warning for you, America. He wants to alert you to the fact that Barack Obama is using his powers to create regulations to undermine Congress, ignore voters, and "radically transform America." But Kerpen also has some good news. There's a way to stop this left-wing assault on our country. You can find out what that something is in his new book, (...) How Obama is Ignoring You and Bypassing Congress to Radically Transform America -- and How to Stop Him.
Kerpen has an uphill battle to beat back the war that has been launched against America. Why? Because the way our country is being torn down is happening in the most subtle way possible. Worse, it is all being done with such ersatz legality, a legitimacy so seemingly ironclad, that most Americans are completely unaware of what is happening. And when they are aware of it they imagine there is nothing wrong with it all.
That and the way this destruction is happening is not the sort of glamorous outrage that makes for exciting news coverage. In fact, it's quite dull. After all, the way the country is being undermined is through long-winded, legalese-filled, opaque regulatory changes. Red tape. Underhanded, jargon-heavy rules, quietly implemented without fanfare or the light of day revealing them for that matter.
Like I said, Kerpen has an uphill battle not only to alert Americans to what is happening right under their very noses, but to excite them enough to do something about it.
Through the bulk of his book Kerpen outlines the way that Americanness is being smothered in paper with the thousands of pages of new regulations that Obama is weekly churning out from his administration.
Kerpen details the way the Obama administration, guided by a hardcore, left-wing ideology, is attempting to take control of the Internet, is trying to eliminate private property rights, is destroying the business sector in favor of big labor unionization, is using the outsized fear of global warming to ramp up a socialist-styled enlargement of government control on all fronts from the EPA to our energy sector, and more. In each case, Kerpen notes that this regulatory overreach is directly contrary to our American character and our core ideals.
Kerpen also notes that this bacchanalia of regulations and the subsequent growth of the power of the president was even something that the left was exercised about during the eight years of the George W. Bush era. Unfortunately for the veracity of the left, all their concerns of an un-American growth of executive power have been wholly forgotten merely because they like the direction of the obscene overreach implemented by Obama. No end of hypocrisy there, eh?
The final chapter gives us a roadmap to pruning these obscene powers stolen from the Congress and the people by this most leftist president in American history. But, it too has a warning. Just "doing the right thing" and voting is not enough. We must not only vote for representatives that will endeavor to take back their power to legislate from an out of control executive branch, we must follow up and force these elected officials to follow through on the charge we've handed them.
Seems like a good idea to me.
If you are interested in the way the left -- and even some on the far right -- have used the presidency to steal power from we the people and our elected representatives, get this book and read it. Then go forth and make a change we really can believe in.
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Reassessing the Presidency : The Rise of the Executive State and the Decline of Freedom Review

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Reassessing the Presidency : The Rise of the Executive State and the Decline of Freedom ReviewAs a student of the presidency, I'm nearly at a loss to describe how interesting and important the essays in this collection are. This high quality is just what I've come to expect from the scholars and writers at the Ludwig von Mises Institute, and if I could give this title six or seven stars, I would.
As in any collection of essays, some of the ones here assembled are better than others. Taken as a whole, though, they are a powerful indictment of how the increasing centralization of power in the office of the presidency has resulted in the destruction of America's heritage of individual liberty and decentralized government. Some of the articles that struck me as particularly valuable (or just as fascinating reads) include:
* H. Arthur Scott Trask's study of Thomas Jefferson. This is one of the best attempts I've yet seen to grapple with the question, not only of whether Jefferson himself can justly be called a 'libertarian,' but also the specific issue of whether his two terms as president advanced or hindered the cause of liberty.
* Marshall L. DeRosa's 'Supreme Court as Accomplice: Judicial Backing for a Despotic Presidency.' While all three branches of government are to blame for the centralization of power in Washington, the Supreme Court has, at key points in history, been particularly destructive. DeRosa gives us chapter and verse.
* Randall G. Holcombe's 'The Electoral College as a Restraint on American Democracy.' This article goes beyond other analyses of the Electoral College in explaining how the Founders really intended the body to function, why it never did, and how it was early corrupted and twisted by the influence of party and faction.
* William Marina's excellent 'From Opponent of Empire to Career Opportunist: William Howard Taft as Conservative Bureaucrat in the Evolution of the American Imperial System.' In tracing Taft's career, Marina shows how foreign and domestic empire-building inevitably go hand-in-hand. This is an insightful and unexpectedly timely essay.
The two concluding essays, by Hans-Hermann Hoppe and Clyde N. Wilson, are also excellent summaries of the changing nature of the presidency and the likelihood, or lack thereof, for meaningful change. Other essays -- including those by Thomas J. DiLorenzo (of 'The Real Lincoln' fame), Ralph Raico, Joseph R. Stromberg, Jeffrey Rogers Hummel, and editor John V. Denson -- are of similar high quality. Space prevents me giving each of them the raves they deserve.
Each of these essays challenges the accepted hagiography of the presidency as an office, and of individual presidents as well. The men generally voted by historians as among our 'greatest' chief executives -- notably FDR, Lincoln, and Truman -- are proven in these pages to have been among the worst, most dangerous, and least worthy of canonization. The Mises Institute is never afraid to challenge the old orthodoxies (founder Lew Rockwell has called for the abolition of the office of the presidency altogether), and here they have done so, not only with skill and insight, but almost compulsive readability as well.
I have no hesitation, even now, in declaring this my Book of the Year for 2002 (it was published in 2001, but I'm a little behind in my reading). It's a bit of an effort to carry around, but it's definitely worth the exertion.Reassessing the Presidency : The Rise of the Executive State and the Decline of Freedom Overview

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The Cult of the Presidency: America's Dangerous Devotion to Executive Power Review

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The Cult of the Presidency: America's Dangerous Devotion to Executive Power ReviewI have to admit it: I'm a presidential cultist. In 8th grade I memorized all the presidents with their years of service. In high school I read The Rise of Theodore Roosevelt by Edmund Morris, a book that inspired me during a particularly rough time in my life. To this day I follow politics like most men follow sports.
So it's not easy or natural for me to recommend a book that celebrates the likes of Warren Harding and Calvin Coolidge and deconstructs Woodrow Wilson, FDR, or my beloved TR.
Yet if you're like me, you have this nagging sense that something has gone terribly wrong. In a country founded on the anti-monarchical principle that government is "of the people," we have come to lust after a king - a man who will heal our hurts, save us from our enemies, educate our children, protect us from the weather, and guarantee our material comforts.
In this book, you'll learn how we got here. After starting out with the Founders and the debate over whether the nation's chief executive should have a title, you'll be introduced to the concept of Unitary Executive theory and its chief proponent, Professor John Yoo, who as a young lawyer in the post-9/11 Office of Legal Counsel, provided the intellectual firepower for George W's expansive view of presidential prerogative. You'll also meet Clinton Rossiter, whose book, The American Presidency, published in the 1950s, documented how such an expansive view was palatable to the American people who had come to expect their president to be World Leader, Protector of the Peace, Chief Legislator, Manager of Prosperity, and Voice of the People, among other things.
Along the way, you will gain an appreciation for the Quiet Ones - John Adams to Calvin Coolidge - and why, out of commitment to republican principles, they kept their mouths shut (for the most part). You'll see how the Progressive movement's program to take power away from political bosses and give it to "the people" has ironically resulted in creating the greatest political Boss of all. That same movement also gave us our first models of modern Heroic Presidents - TR and Wilson. Interestingly, while TR may have been the Luther, it was Wilson who was the Calvin - the great intellectual systematizer and practical political implementer of the theology of presidential power. "The President is at liberty, both in law and conscience, to be as big a man as he can," Wilson declared.
Journalists and scholars, who are, by trade, usually in the Progressive camp, are indicted for aiding and abetting the creation of this un-republican Big Man.
The book falls short of a true classic (and a 5-star rating) due to the following.
The author spills a lot of ink over the imperialistic sins of George W. Bush (3 of 9 chapters), which will unfortunately limit the book's shelf life once the current occupant leaves office. He failed to engage at least one of the standard presidential biographies. Anyone evaluating LBJ is obliged to engage Robert Caro's penetrating 3-volume study, and yet I didn't see one reference to it. There is also a fair amount of dieseling of the author's main point in the book's nearly 300 pages.

His discussion of Lincoln is surprisingly short. He justifies this on the premise that the chief executives from 1865 to 1901 reverted to the antebellum model, and thus Lincoln didn't permanently change the game. And yet all the executive over-reaches of power which the author decries were dramatically displayed in Lincoln. While one may explain this away as a singular historical moment, I have also suspected that Lincoln, and specifically, his Emancipation Proclamation poses something of a dilemma for Libertarians. While emancipation from slavery is certainly libertarian, it took a very un-libertarian Executive Order and a bloody civil war to achieve it. Whether it's by design or oversight, the lack of a thorough discussion of Lincoln and the impact his deification in the post-war North must have had on the young Roosevelt cousins and Wilson was a missed opportunity.
Despite his amassing the evidence of presidential abuses of power, the author's proposed remedies are surprisingly brief (5 pages) and timid - airing some thoughts about the proposed Separation of Powers Act and tinkering with the War Powers Resolution. The author prefaces his lack of solutions by noting that we are already too far gone: until we adjust our expectations of the presidency, no legislative solution will be sufficient to tame the creature we have created. Nevertheless, since we are dealing in the realm of ideas, the author could have taken the opportunity to be bolder.
These shortcomings are relatively minor given the depth with which the author has built his case and the importance and timeliness of his message. To those of you who are growing tired of your addiction to The Politico and RealClearPolitics.com, this book will be your first step toward sobriety.
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Air Force One: The Aircraft that Shaped the Modern Presidency Review

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Air Force One: The Aircraft that Shaped the Modern Presidency ReviewOK, I admit it! I'm an aviation nut, and am in awe of the presidency and its trappings. I watch West Wing every Wednesday to get the inside view of the White House, and I own the DVD of Air Force One starring Harrison Ford. So this book was a natural for me, and I knew that I would love it even before I picked it up.
That said, once I started getting into the book, it was better than I ever anticipated. The authors do a great job of laying out the history of air travel and the office of the President, and you quickly realize how Air Force One was instrumental in creating the world view that the United States was (and is) a SuperPower nation. Not only do you get a great history lesson as to the importance of modern avaiation and the American presidency, you are also enlightend as to the technology and logisitcs involved in keeping the president moving around the globe.
This book is great for anyone who has an interest in presidential history, as well as people who love aviation history. The pictures, while many have been seen previously, make for a great and welcome addition to the text. You certainly feel as if you have had an opportunity to fly on Air Force One.
I really enjoy having this book in my library, and if I owned a coffee table, I'd have it sitting on the coffee table.Air Force One: The Aircraft that Shaped the Modern Presidency Overview

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