Showing posts with label international relations. Show all posts
Showing posts with label international relations. Show all posts

31 Days: The Crisis That Gave Us the Government We Have Today Review

31 Days: The Crisis That Gave Us the Government We Have Today
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31 Days: The Crisis That Gave Us the Government We Have Today ReviewFor those of us old enough to remember the summer of 1974 when the House Judiciary Committee voted articles of impeachment which ultimately led to the resignation of Richard Nixon, Barry Werth's new book, "31 Days" is a wonderful chronicle of that time. Although the book begins with the Nixon resignation (after the House vote) and ends essentially with Gerald Ford's pardon of Nixon, Werth presents a fascinating view of 1974....not only regarding the political scene but related areas which affected President Ford during his first month in office.
Needless to say, Ford entered the presidency as no one before him had. He needed to make decisions about the soaring inflation the United States was facing as well as growing unemployment on the homefront. In international policy Ford had to address not only the beleaguered American presence in Vietnam, the continuing problems in the Middle East but also a coup and subsequent Turkish invasion of Cyprus. On top of that Ford needed to find a vice-president.... to replace himself. However, the largest piece of the picture was what would Ford do with Nixon? "31 Days" centers around this aspect and it's a fascinating walk down memory lane.
How it was that Gerald Ford decided how and when to pardon the disgraced former president makes "31 Days" riveting. No one had a clue that Ford would use his power of pardon and Werth accurately describes the aftermath of that early September announcement. The honeymoon Ford enjoyed was over in a flash. Yet it is also a good connection that the author makes about how Ford might have decided things with regard to Nixon....he was contemplating a concurrent, limited amnesty for Vietnam draft dodgers and as he wanted them to "work their way back" into American society, so, too, had Ford wished to get a deeper sense of "mea culpa" from Nixon....something he really never got. As Werth points out, Ford's own relationship with his natural father and his peacemaking abilities he demonstrated between his father and mother almost certainly played a role in Ford's pardon. He simply wanted to do what was right for the good of the country and move on with life. However, as Werth points out in his epilogue, Ford's actions made things worse....it cost the Republicans massively in the midterm elections that fall and without a doubt contributed to Ford's narrow loss to Jimmy Carter in 1976.
There are one or two things which reminded me of how long ago 1974 seems, sometimes. One cannot even fathom today a Republican president choosing a moderate to liberal Republican like Nelson Rockefeller as his vice-president. To think as well that Democrats controlled the Congress in large numbers...many of their ranks coming from southern states. Werth makes some good parallels to the current administration, noting that Don Rumsfeld and Dick Cheney were instrumental characters during the Ford years. And as if the author weren't prescient enough.... how alike the Bush White House is to Nixon's......two secretive administrations dealing with unpopular wars.
"31 Days" is a book I highly recommend....not only for the revelations of the behind-the-scenes White House activities of August, 1974, but the analogies to the current political climate in Washington today....analogies which seem to unfold on a weekly basis. Werth's book is a good lesson in history.
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The Obama Syndrome: Surrender at Home, War Abroad Review

The Obama Syndrome: Surrender at Home, War Abroad
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The Obama Syndrome: Surrender at Home, War Abroad ReviewEditor of New Left Review, London-based Ali criticizes Barack Obama's obedience to the same corporate and military powers that controlled previous American administrations. What Ali sums up about a previous analysis of Obama speaks for Ali's own agenda: "A useful antidote to the gushing biographies." Ali's progressive stance confronts the illusions sold to voters in 2008 by a compliant media and capitalist firms who provided the vast majority of Obama's $900 million campaign funds. Goldman Sachs contributed nearly a million; who could claim surprise by their bailout?
His leftist presuppositions infuse this short series of what read more like related essays than a seamlessly constructed narrative. Ali admits a rush to print, preferring to provide a "preliminary report on the first 1000 days of the Obama presidency." However, with mention of the Gaza flotilla attack by Israel, the resignation of General McChrystal, and the BP oil spill, this is as current an overview as can be expected.
It begins energetically. The first "mixed-race" president reinvented himself as both white enough and black enough to win. "Little of what Obama actually said in a combination of blandishments, special pleading and specious arguments justified much optimism, but the manner of his speaking, the color of his skin and the constant invocation of the word `change' helped create a new spirit in the country--Obamania--that propelled him to the White House."
Ali cites African American scholars and activists among Obama's critics: "The emblematic significance of Obama's victory should not be underestimated, but did it ever move beyond symbols?" Ali doubts it did. After surveying the superficial gloss of Obama's campaign makeover, he turns to Obama's imperial aspirations, which extend those of his predecessors.
Surveying Iraqi and Afghani wars, Palestinian resistance, and Iranian and Pakistani dangers supposed by an Anglo-American military and multinational hegemony, Ali amasses more information akin to a current affairs journalist's approach than that of a political analyst.
This leftist reaction, in other contexts, typifies Ali's characteristic limitations. His progressive opposition leaves the reader wondering--in a world where no other superpower appears ready to take over America's role as carrier of the big stick--what viable alternatives might be.
As a weak response to such a crisis, Obama's "sonorous banality and armor-plated hypocrisy" earn derision. Ali exposes Obama's habitual lack of will. Rather than true reform for Wall Street, the healthcare system, or the Supreme Court, Obama capitulates to lobbyists and fundraisers who control politicians under a Democratic or Republican administration. Obama pretends that an audacity of hope leading to genuine advance will occur under his watch, but the "implication is always that the Washington system prevents any change that he could believe in."
One might argue that the Obama syndrome, no matter who inherits this affliction, may collapse as the parasite consumes the host. How can capitalism sustain itself in this self-devouring, environmentally threatened, and profit-driven world? Closing this collection, rather than appending an article on the failed Oakland health care system or the situation in Yemen, Ali could have addressed this dire scenario instead. One wonders about his solutions, two decades after the collapse of mass capitalist opposition, from his perspective in a London-based far-left.
Ali might have enriched this study. He could have articulated more often the fears and hopes of communities, grassroots organizations, and everyday folks who are entangled within their historical allegiance to Obama's own maker, the Democratic party machine. It dominates many cities and suburbs. No true radicals will get elected, even there. Few residents bother with whatever New Left Review encourages, when it comes to a disaffected American voter, or a non-voter majority. This lack of electoral choice prevents real change from occurring in a polarized, bipartisan, corporate-funded, unreformed campaigning system. The Democratic party's "leadership" will not support any more than the GOP a truly alternative candidate--no matter what his or her complexion--when it comes to perpetuating its own empire.
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On the Manner of Negotiating with Princes: From Sovereigns to CEOs, Envoys to Executives -- Classic Principles of Diplomacy and the Art of Negotiation Review

On the Manner of Negotiating with Princes: From Sovereigns to CEOs, Envoys to Executives -- Classic Principles of Diplomacy and the Art of Negotiation
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On the Manner of Negotiating with Princes: From Sovereigns to CEOs, Envoys to Executives -- Classic Principles of Diplomacy and the Art of Negotiation ReviewThis book was originally written as a letter to the Duc d'Orleans who was the regent for Louis XV while he was a boy. De Callieres had been an envoy extraordinary for Louis XIV who had recently died. The Duc d'Orleans is famous in history for being putty in the hands of John Law, leading to the debasement of the French currency and the collapse of the Mississippi Bubble (see Millionaire for details).
In the letter, the hidden agenda was to convince the Duc to let career diplomats from good families do the ambassadorial tasks, emphasizing peace over hostilities. Louis XIV had virtually bankrupted France with his many long and expensive wars that provided little benefit. Without a more sensible foreign policy, France was in serious trouble. Based on his past behavior patterns, the Duc was likely to send his card-playing buddies from the military ranks to take on these chores, and diplomatic disaster was likely to follow.
The first two-thirds of the book is a Renaissance-like description of the ideal man (there was not much role for women in his mind, other than as people to use as sources of indirect influence on princes). The description is obviously overstated to make a point: There's no one this good, but you'd better look for the best person you can. The final third is full of day-to-day advice about what a diplomat must do (sort of Diplomacy 101 for those who have not done it before). This includes details how to be introduced at court, the role of your own spies, and so forth. The final third seems remarkably modern. Perhaps it is even used in some diplomatic training today.
The only puzzling thing about the book is the introduction by Charles Handy. In the introduction, Handy argues that you can take the word 'negotiating' in the text and substitute the word 'management.' In so doing, he tries to transform this into a treatise on management. I don't think so. Sure, there are areas where management issues come up, such as in the selection of diplomatic personnel, but that's not the focus of this book either directly or indirectly. If he had argued that this book was the How to Win Friends and Influence People of the 18th century, I would have agreed with that. I'd skip the introduction. It will only confuse matters for you, and throw you off the track of what the book is really about -- being a loyal agent for someone with whom you are not in daily contact but whose most important matters are in your hands. The modern-day equivalent would be handling an labor negotiation for a company in an inaccessible foreign location.
The Prince is like the 800 pound gorilla. He can sit wherever he wants, so the task of negotiating with him is a delicate one. If you've ever had a boss like that, you'll find it humorous to compare your former boss to the descriptions in this book.
If the publisher does want to turn this into a management book, I suggest a different approach. Combine the text of this book with text and examples of a modern management sort to provide the current context for the reader. As it is now, Peter Drucker would be able to fill in the blanks for himself but few other readers would be able to do so without more guidance. You have to connect the dots to draw the picture for the reader!
Donald Mitchell (donmitch@2000percentsolution.com)On the Manner of Negotiating with Princes: From Sovereigns to CEOs, Envoys to Executives -- Classic Principles of Diplomacy and the Art of Negotiation Overview

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Age of the Democratic Revolution, Vol. 1: The Challenge Review

Age of the Democratic Revolution, Vol. 1: The Challenge
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Age of the Democratic Revolution, Vol. 1: The Challenge ReviewWritten over 40 years ago, The Age of the Democratic Revolution is still the major effort at interpreting the political upheavals of the late 18th century. Covering a remarkably broad range of societies, Palmer deals with France, the American Revolution, Britain, the Holy Roman Empire, various German states, Russia, Italy, Belgium, Switzerland, and the Netherlands. This is an effort to reveal the major structural features of political and social conflict in what Palmer refers to as the Atlantic world. Since he has extensive discussion of Eastern Europe as well, it might be better to describe his frame as something like Greater Europe. In order to produce his major structural analyses, Palmer narrrates and analyzes events across several decades and across several countries. It is a measure of the quality of Palmer's scholarship and writing ability that this book serves as a excellent narrative overview of the political and diplomatic history of many of the countries discussed. Not surprisingly, France and the events generated by the French Revolution occupy a central place but one of the most impressive things about this book is how Palmer features the importance of events in places like Holland and the Austrian controlled parts of Italy. Even the tiny Genevan republic and Ireland receive thorough and enlightening coverage.
Palmer sees the American Revolution, the French Revolution, and allied events as driven by the collision of a series of pan-European forces. He points out that the first half of the 18th century had actually seen a hardening of social barriers, a decline in social mobility, and increasing dominance of important political institutions by smaller inherited elites. The increasingly aristocratic nature of many European societies was opposed to a very large extent by Monarchies wishing to extend their authority. The financial strains imposed by the Seven Years War appear to have been particularly important in prompting several governments, France, Britain, and even the Holy Roman Empire, into attempts to extend royal power and reduce the power of traditional and aristocratically dominated institutions. Implicit in Palmer's analysis is that the humanitarianism of the Enlightenment had produced alternative ways of looking at society and governance that undermined the legitimacy of aristrocratic institutions and social structure based on deference. Ironically, some aspects of Enlightenment political theory were used to defend traditional institutions. Over the course of the second half of the 18th century, this collision produces, at least initially, aristocratic success in turning back the challenges to traditional institutions. In many countries, notably France, the aristocratic revolution is followed is then followed by Democratic Revolutions resulting in the ultimate destruction of a huge array of traditional politcal and social institutions. Palmer has thoughtful discussions of the varying aspects of this general phenomenon in a large array of nations. Britain and the American colonies prove to be important exceptions to the general model and their unique features result in the American Revolution and what can only be called a relatively peaceful counter-revolution in Britain.
This is then followed by a superb series of discussions of the consequences of the Democratic Revolutions throughout Europe and North America.
Some aspects of Palmer's analysis are probably incorrect. This is not surprising as he wrote over 40 years ago and there has been a lot of important scholarship since the publication of this book. For example, I think Palmer is a bit unfair to Alexander Hamilton and the Federalists in the USA. I suspect that some will find this book, with its emphasis on political history, a bit old-fashioned. These, however, are quibbles. In terms of breadth of understanding and depth of analysis, this is a truly outstanding work of scholarship.Age of the Democratic Revolution, Vol. 1: The Challenge Overview

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How to Look for Trouble: A Stratfor Guide to Protective Intelligence Review

How to Look for Trouble: A Stratfor Guide to Protective Intelligence
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How to Look for Trouble: A Stratfor Guide to Protective Intelligence ReviewI am studying in the Intelligence field and read Stratfor on the regular; their analysis is fantastic and they are solid, reasonable, and provide a clear understanding of options available in whatever Intel review they are doing. This book is more of a compendium of articles -- in that regard I was hoping for more clear instructions on what Protective Intelligence would look like, a how-to manual would have been a bit better.
They do point out failures of security teams to properly run Counter-Surveillance on their principals that have resulted in murder, kidnapping, and a very bad day. The emphasis on Protective Intelligence is really on CS; if you let your enemies watch your patterns, analyze them without harassment, or fail to follow through on suspicious activity you could potentially be risking your own life. Executive Protection folks have to disrupt Surveillance schemes or the likelihood of failure can be quite high.
I would buy the book, read it, and keep it on the shelf. It is a lot of articles that are arranged topically and not a "how-to" (not that you could get that all figured out by simply reading a book anyway) and those articles are informative and help paint a picture of what Protective Intel might look like for Exec. Protection professionals.How to Look for Trouble: A Stratfor Guide to Protective Intelligence Overview

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Grasping the Democratic Peace Review

Grasping the Democratic Peace
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Grasping the Democratic Peace ReviewThis book is a collection of Russet's earlier work on the democratic peace, the finding that no two democracy have ever gone to war with one another, with an emphasis on those works that expand the empirical realm of testing. The first two chapters essentially summarize the literature on the democratic peace (up until 1993) explaining both its empirical roots and the theoretical arguments. After summarizing the normative and structural explanations, Russett (with William Antholis) attempts to discover if the democratic peace extended to Ancient Greece. Finding only minor support Russett hypothesizes that peace needs not only the simple institutions of democracy, but also the perception, by other democracies, of the type of regime. Without the mutual recognition the norms and institutions democracy may fail to prevent conflict. Russett (with Zeev Maoz) then applies the democratic peace to the post World War II era and finds that joint democracy does in fact promote peace. The last empirical study in the book deals with non-industrial societies (done with Carol and Melvin Ember). While it remains difficult to gain a strong relationship, they do find that participation, joint participatory societies, matters in reducing conflict. In general, this book is a good summary of Russett's early work on the democratic peace and provides some interesting tests as the theory is applied to non-nation-state eras. For those new to this literature it is a good place to start.Grasping the Democratic Peace Overview

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Forced to Be Good: Why Trade Agreements Boost Human Rights Review

Forced to Be Good: Why Trade Agreements Boost Human Rights
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Forced to Be Good: Why Trade Agreements Boost Human Rights ReviewPreferential trade agreements have become common ways to protect or restrict access to national markets in products and services. The United States has signed trade agreements with almost two dozen countries as close as Mexico and Canada and as distant as Morocco and Australia. The European Union has done the same. In addition to addressing economic issues, these agreements also regulate the protection of human rights. In Forced to be Good, Emilie Hafner-Burton tells the story of the politics of such agreements and of the ways in which governments pursue market integration policies that advance their own political interests, including human rights.
How and why do global norms for social justice become international regulations linked to seemingly unrelated issues, such as trade? Hafner-Burton finds that the process has been unconventional. Efforts by human rights activists and labor unions to spread human rights ideals, for example, do not explain why US and European governments employ preferential trade agreements to protect human rights. Instead, most of the regulations protecting human rights are codified in global moral principles and laws only because they serve policymakers' other interests in accumulating power or resources or solving other political problems. Otherwise, demands by moral advocates are tossed aside.
As Hafner-Burton shows, even the inclusion of human rights in trade agreements is no guarantee of real change, because many of the governments that sign on for the regulations oppose such protections and do not intend to enforce their implementation. Ultimately, Hafner-Burton finds that, despite the difficulty of enforcing good regulations and the less-than-noble motives for including them, some trade agreements that include human rights protections have made a positive difference in the lives of some of the people they are intended - on paper, at least - to protect.
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