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Executive Review

Executive
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Executive ReviewThis is the fourth book in Piers Anthony's five book Bio of a Space Tyrant series.
The basic idea is that the main character, Hope Hubris has now reached the level of highest office, that of Executive, and is complete ruler ("Tyrant") of Jupiter. He now has to escape assasinations and reform business and society for Jupiter to survive.
In my opinion the first three books in this series are absolutely fantastic and are some of the best sci-fi I have ever read. Unfortunately, I don't find this fourth book to be on the same level. I give this book 4 stars for those who loved the previous books (as I did), but only 3 stars for the casual reader.
Though quite interesting and enjoyable in many individual parts, the author doesn't weave as compelling a story here (after all, the main character is now ruler), and the book's continued allusions to communism and problems of the 80's give it a dating that starts to detract somewhat from the plausability of some of the plot-points.
That being said, it is interesting to see how the main character progresses through his "term" and how the office affects him. Also, it is very interesting to hear how someone with absolute power would solve society's ills -especially when you then get to go into the backlash that would follow.
All in all, worthwhile if you liked the series, but not something I'd consider a must-read like the others.Executive Overview

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The Obama Syndrome: Surrender at Home, War Abroad Review

The Obama Syndrome: Surrender at Home, War Abroad
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The Obama Syndrome: Surrender at Home, War Abroad ReviewEditor of New Left Review, London-based Ali criticizes Barack Obama's obedience to the same corporate and military powers that controlled previous American administrations. What Ali sums up about a previous analysis of Obama speaks for Ali's own agenda: "A useful antidote to the gushing biographies." Ali's progressive stance confronts the illusions sold to voters in 2008 by a compliant media and capitalist firms who provided the vast majority of Obama's $900 million campaign funds. Goldman Sachs contributed nearly a million; who could claim surprise by their bailout?
His leftist presuppositions infuse this short series of what read more like related essays than a seamlessly constructed narrative. Ali admits a rush to print, preferring to provide a "preliminary report on the first 1000 days of the Obama presidency." However, with mention of the Gaza flotilla attack by Israel, the resignation of General McChrystal, and the BP oil spill, this is as current an overview as can be expected.
It begins energetically. The first "mixed-race" president reinvented himself as both white enough and black enough to win. "Little of what Obama actually said in a combination of blandishments, special pleading and specious arguments justified much optimism, but the manner of his speaking, the color of his skin and the constant invocation of the word `change' helped create a new spirit in the country--Obamania--that propelled him to the White House."
Ali cites African American scholars and activists among Obama's critics: "The emblematic significance of Obama's victory should not be underestimated, but did it ever move beyond symbols?" Ali doubts it did. After surveying the superficial gloss of Obama's campaign makeover, he turns to Obama's imperial aspirations, which extend those of his predecessors.
Surveying Iraqi and Afghani wars, Palestinian resistance, and Iranian and Pakistani dangers supposed by an Anglo-American military and multinational hegemony, Ali amasses more information akin to a current affairs journalist's approach than that of a political analyst.
This leftist reaction, in other contexts, typifies Ali's characteristic limitations. His progressive opposition leaves the reader wondering--in a world where no other superpower appears ready to take over America's role as carrier of the big stick--what viable alternatives might be.
As a weak response to such a crisis, Obama's "sonorous banality and armor-plated hypocrisy" earn derision. Ali exposes Obama's habitual lack of will. Rather than true reform for Wall Street, the healthcare system, or the Supreme Court, Obama capitulates to lobbyists and fundraisers who control politicians under a Democratic or Republican administration. Obama pretends that an audacity of hope leading to genuine advance will occur under his watch, but the "implication is always that the Washington system prevents any change that he could believe in."
One might argue that the Obama syndrome, no matter who inherits this affliction, may collapse as the parasite consumes the host. How can capitalism sustain itself in this self-devouring, environmentally threatened, and profit-driven world? Closing this collection, rather than appending an article on the failed Oakland health care system or the situation in Yemen, Ali could have addressed this dire scenario instead. One wonders about his solutions, two decades after the collapse of mass capitalist opposition, from his perspective in a London-based far-left.
Ali might have enriched this study. He could have articulated more often the fears and hopes of communities, grassroots organizations, and everyday folks who are entangled within their historical allegiance to Obama's own maker, the Democratic party machine. It dominates many cities and suburbs. No true radicals will get elected, even there. Few residents bother with whatever New Left Review encourages, when it comes to a disaffected American voter, or a non-voter majority. This lack of electoral choice prevents real change from occurring in a polarized, bipartisan, corporate-funded, unreformed campaigning system. The Democratic party's "leadership" will not support any more than the GOP a truly alternative candidate--no matter what his or her complexion--when it comes to perpetuating its own empire.
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Affection and Trust: The Personal Correspondence of Harry S. Truman and Dean Acheson, 1953-1971 Review

Affection and Trust: The Personal Correspondence of Harry S. Truman and Dean Acheson, 1953-1971
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Affection and Trust: The Personal Correspondence of Harry S. Truman and Dean Acheson, 1953-1971 ReviewI have long felt that reading someone's published letters, if the editors have done their job, is one of the best ways to really understand the character and outlook of the subject. This is certaintly true in the cases of Henry Adams and Justice Holmes, for example. I think one reason for this is that the authors are not writing for publication, so they are more informal and less inclined to posture. The real person tends to shine through more clearly.
This book contains the "personal correspondence" between former President Truman and Dean Acheson, his monumental Secretary of State, between 1953 and 1971, that is the period after Truman had left the White House. The book is very well designed by its editors, David Acheson (son of Dean) and Ray Geselbracht. First there is a brief Introduction by David McCullough, who has written extensively on Truman. The letters themselves are presented chronologically in eight chapters, identified by the prominent themes discussed. Each chapter has a superb picture and short introduction by the editors framing the larger context. Usually, each letter itself has a brief introduction explaining references, background, and context. There is a complete listing of all letters at the end of the book, as well as a quite detailed index which is very helpful.
The pictures really add to the contributions of the book. My favorite heads chapter 1, and shows Truman returning from his Wake Island Conference in 1950 with General MacArthur. Here is the essence of the Truman presidency, as HST stands surrounded by such luminary figures as Averell Harriman, George Marshall, Omar Bradley, and of course Acheson. Truman may be the shortest in physical stature, but he is the tallest in historical stature among these giant figures. These are the advisers who guided this largely self-educated, former machine politician during some of the most challenging periods of the 20th century. While Truman (by his own admission) spoke a lot, fortunately he also listened a lot, and he listened to no one more than Acheson and General Marshall.
Acheson (1893-1971) was a man of many talents and interests. He first came to Washington to clerk for Justice Brandeis (as recounted in his "Morning and Noon"), then joined a very early form of the law firm of Covington and Burling, served with FDR in the New Deal, resigned, then became after Truman's ascension an undersecretary at State and finally Secretary of State. His "Present at the Creation" recounts how Truman and he shaped postwar foreign policy in areas such as aid to Greece and Turkey, containment and, of course, the Korean War. Acheson was candid with Truman as Secretary, and he is so in these letters, on occasion offering some crisp rejoinder to a Truman speech or article. One comes to understand how these two worked while in office from reading these letters, which constitute a history of American politics during this period as both were deeply involved in Democratic party activities and elections.
These also are quite candid letters--people at whom tart comments are aimed are named and often well known. It is the candor of the exchange that adds so much insight into these two characters. Truman is often a very hard figure to get a grasp on--sometimes praised for strong leadership, other times seen as too emotional and simplistic in his thinking. After reading these letters, I think we come very close to understanding the true HST (not to mention Acheson). The book is beautifully produced, on fine paper, as is typical of Berryville Graphics in Virginia. A very fine effort all the way around.Affection and Trust: The Personal Correspondence of Harry S. Truman and Dean Acheson, 1953-1971 Overview

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Debating Terrorism and Counterterrorism: Conflicting Perspectives on Causes, Contexts, and Responses Review

Debating Terrorism and Counterterrorism: Conflicting Perspectives on Causes, Contexts, and Responses
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Debating Terrorism and Counterterrorism: Conflicting Perspectives on Causes, Contexts, and Responses ReviewI like the way the author allowed two different people, usually university professors, to express their opinion in either the "Yes" or "No" format. I found that I could better understand a point of view other than my own, even though I may choose not to agree with that opinion.Debating Terrorism and Counterterrorism: Conflicting Perspectives on Causes, Contexts, and Responses Overview

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