Showing posts with label bush. Show all posts
Showing posts with label bush. Show all posts

Colin Powell and Condoleezza Rice: Foreign Policy, Race, and the New American Century Review

Colin Powell and Condoleezza Rice: Foreign Policy, Race, and the New American Century
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Colin Powell and Condoleezza Rice: Foreign Policy, Race, and the New American Century ReviewUsing the tenures of the highest ranking African Americans in the history of the U. S. State Department as points of reference, Colin Powell and Condoleeza Rice examines the relevance of race in the formation of U.S. foreign policy under the direction of George W. Bush. Lusane presents a necessarily incisive critique of the Bush regime's continuing thrust for U.S. hegemony under the guise of the "war on terror." I highly recommend this book for everyone to understand how the nuances of race impact the U.S.'s international dealings. This work is a must-read for African Americans to become more conscious and committed to developing an international policy.
-- Shawn L. Williams, author of I'm a Bad Man: African American Vernacular Culture and the Making of Muhammad Ali
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Bad Advice: Bush's Lawyers in the War on Terror Review

Bad Advice: Bush's Lawyers in the War on Terror
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Bad Advice: Bush's Lawyers in the War on Terror ReviewWe are now in an intense national debate about Bush administration policies that affect persons suspected of attacking America on and after 9/11. If you want to understand the role of indispensable players in the formulation of these policies -- the lawyers who advised President Bush, Vice President Cheney, and others in the Executive branch -- you will read "Bad Advice." The author, Harold Bruff, a leading expert on the separation of powers (see another of his books, "Balance of Forces"), tells the story with great care and without ideological bias; the book may be profitably read both by supporters and critics of the Bush administration. Mr. Bruff looks at dilemmas long faced by advisors who want to support their president, while at the same time giving him opinions consistent with the law. He analyzes how President Bush's lawyers fared in three cases: authorization of warrantless surveillance, detetion and trial of suspected enemies, and interrogation of detainees.
Although all lawyers will want this book on their shelves, it is by no means just for insiders. Bruff, ever attentive to the human element, gives insights into persons currently in the news -- Alberto Gonzales, John Yoo, Jay Bybee, David Addington to name a few -- and others from earlier times, including Sir Thomas More, Abraham Lincoln (his own best lawyer), and Robert Jackson, FDR's Attorney General, a Supreme Court Justice, and lead prosecutor at Nuremberg.
In the tradition of all good books, "Bad Advice" not only informs, it entertains.Bad Advice: Bush's Lawyers in the War on Terror Overview

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Compromised: Clinton, Bush and the CIA Review

Compromised: Clinton, Bush and the CIA
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Compromised: Clinton, Bush and the CIA ReviewIf you like Tom Clancy, here's the real deal. A former Air Force intelligence officer turned manufacturing engineer, pilot, and independent business man is recruited by the CIA (Oliver North) to assist in the training of Contra pilots in Mena, Arkansas. His name is Terry Reed, and does he have an incredible story to tell! This American patriot reveals everything after the CIA tried to screw him after Iran-contra. Plenty of very interesting information about Clinton, Bush, the Arkansas elite, covert CIA operations, CIA super-agent Barry Seal, money laundering, international narcotics trafficking, and CIA influence in the US political system.Compromised: Clinton, Bush and the CIA Overview

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Paranoid Nation: The Real Story of the 2008 Fight for the Presidency Review

Paranoid Nation: The Real Story of the 2008 Fight for the Presidency
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Paranoid Nation: The Real Story of the 2008 Fight for the Presidency ReviewThis highly readable new book acknowledges, and should appeal to, the enormous number of Americans who believe in one "conspiracy theory" or another. Matt Towery's own conspiracy theory -- that the 2008 election had far less to do with Barack Obama or John McCain than with behind-the-scenes, dynastic puppet masters vying for power not now but far into the future -- may seem a bit far out, until you start turning the pages. Besides (and I admit some bias here, because I have known the author for many years), Towery has become one of the nation's top pollsters because he has an uncanny knack for being right when just about everyone else is wrong. I know of few other pundits who follow politics so closely (or with such a suspicious eye), and whether you end up agreeing with him or not, he has produced an extremely entertaining and thought provoking analysis of what "really" happened in 2008. In short, Towery makes it fashionable to be at least a little paranoid.Paranoid Nation: The Real Story of the 2008 Fight for the Presidency Overview

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Special Trust Review

Special Trust
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Special Trust ReviewUnlike the reviewer below, I thought this book was refreshingly honest and self-effacing, and it by no means struck me as a typical "c.y.a." memoir. Bud McFarlane comes across as a dedicated, though perhaps not exceptionally talented public servant who performed a very important job (National Security Advisor) with an uncommon degree of modesty. I couldn't help but thinking that one of his major weaknesses as a player at these high levels might have been that he lacks the guile, expediency, and instinct for self-preservation that characterizes many who work in the upper echelons of government. In this respect, McFarlane stands in marked (and favorable) contrast to his most famous predecessor, Henry Kissinger.McFarlane may not be the brightest or the flashiest National Security Advisor we have ever had, but I came away from this book with a great respect for the man and the ideals of public service he brought to his position. The book is a riveting read, and McFarlane's judgments about the Iran-Contra affair and the culpability of others are eminently reasonable and compelling.Special Trust Overview

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Armed Madhouse: Who's Afraid of Osama Wolf?, China Floats, Bush Sinks, The Scheme to Steal '08,No Child's Behind Left, and Other Dispatches from the Front Lines of th Review

Armed Madhouse: Who's Afraid of Osama Wolf, China Floats, Bush Sinks, The Scheme to Steal '08,No Child's Behind Left, and Other Dispatches from the Front Lines of th
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Armed Madhouse: Who's Afraid of Osama Wolf, China Floats, Bush Sinks, The Scheme to Steal '08,No Child's Behind Left, and Other Dispatches from the Front Lines of th ReviewThere's a spiffy, hip kind of feel to this nouveau Wobblie update on how George W. Bush and his craven cronies and currish corporate sponsors are trying to turn America into a kind of gargantuan banana republic. Even if half of world-renowned journalist Greg Palast's indictment is even fifty percent correct, Momma, pack the kids and the dog and my old guitar: this country is going to hell.
I've got a friend or two who have actually left the good old US of A for places like Panama and Canada, not so much out of fear of a neo-fascist takeover, but out of pure disgust, the kind of disgust that can only be bought with stolen elections and massive redistributions of the nation's wealth from the poor and the middle classes to the conspicuously rich.
Before reading this I couldn't believe that the Democrats were so incompetent and so stupid as to allow the Republicans to steal two national elections. Now I wonder if it matters whether they can prevent a third. Probably Hillary will win, but after four years of her, the power structure will have had enough and it'll be the reincarnation of some cardboard flunky like Reagan or some idiot like the present occupant who will be installed in power and who will again rob the treasury, sell off the public lands and start a war for ExxonMobil and kill a gook for God.
People like Cheney and Rumsfeld will probably be dead or deathlike, writing their mendacious memoirs, but there'll be others from the think tanks and the corporate world to look out for the interests of the ruling class. And, yes, the rich will get richer and the poor poorer and there's nothing new under the sun--although this "nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal" once seemed so.
Goodbye yellow brick road. Welcome to the armed madhouse!
The problem with America, with this democracy by capitalism, is that it isn't what it once was. We used to be the greatest country on earth. But sometime around the time that Kennedy got shot we began to change. We won the Cold War but it ruined us morally. With our idealism and sense of fair play compromised by our need to stem the tide of the red menace, we became, step by step, like every other country in the history of the world, hopelessly corrupt.
Clearly, if Palast is to be believed, we are corrupt, right down to the very core of our being. When elections are stolen in a democracy, it is no longer a democracy. When a powerful nation invades another country to control the supply of oil (as Palast charges) under false pretexts, it is no different than Iraq invading Kuwait or Germany invading Poland.
When a country allows profiteers to poison and despoil the land and the people (as Palast charges) that country is no better than the robber barons of old or the dictators of South America and Africa. When the president steals from the middle class to feed the gluttonous, the middle class will eventually dry up and die and we will have the wealth distribution pyramid of a banana republic.
Obviously this book will delight and entertain those on the left. Palast is a gifted writer as well as a tenacious researcher who serves well as a pied piper to those about to be disenfranchised. (People on the right will send him death threats.) I suggest you read this book regardless of how you feel about what is happening in America today and who's responsible. If nothing else, reading Palast's prose is an education in how to express yourself with verve, gumption, and the employment of le mot juste. Here's an example from pages 262-263. Noting that 59 million Americans actually cast votes for George W. Bush in 2004 (regardless of whether he really won or not), Palast writes:
What we witnessed on November 2, 2004, was a 59 million strong army of pinheads on parade ready to gamble away their pensions so long as George Bush makes sure that boys kill each other, not kiss; who feel right proud that our uniformed services can kick some scrawny brown people in the ass in some far-off place when we're mad and can't find Osama; who can't bring themselves to vote for a guy with a snooty Boston accent who's never been to a NASCAR tractor pull and who certainly thinks anyone who does [sic] is a low-Q [sic] beer-burping blockhead.
Palast adds, "Nitwits who think Ollie North's a hero not a conman, who can't name their congressman, who believe that Saddam Hussein and Osama bin Laden were going steady, who can't tell Afghanistan from a souvlaki stand and, bloated with lies and super size fries, clomped to the polls 59 million strong to vent their small-minded hatreds on us all."
He sums that up with, "I fear the election was an intelligence test that America failed."
It is said that domesticated animals are not as smart as the wild kind. It is put forward that humans were smarter in, say, 30,000 BCE than we are now. Some call it "devolution." We are domesticated animals: we and the massage of TV and fast foods and soft couches, and the pounding rhythms of the ads relentlessly aimed at us, have domesticated ourselves. Nowhere in the world is this truer than in America. Alas.Armed Madhouse: Who's Afraid of Osama Wolf, China Floats, Bush Sinks, The Scheme to Steal '08,No Child's Behind Left, and Other Dispatches from the Front Lines of th Overview

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Machiavelli's Shadow: The Rise and Fall of Karl Rove Review

Machiavelli's Shadow: The Rise and Fall of Karl Rove
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Machiavelli's Shadow: The Rise and Fall of Karl Rove ReviewAt times journalist Paul Alexander's book MACHIAVELLI'S SHADOW: THE RISE AND FALL OF KARL ROVE reminds me of psychoanalyst Justin A. Frank's BUSH ON THE COUCH, a study of the emotional troubles that make George W. Bush what he is. As MACHIAVELLI'S SHADOW recounts, Rove, the infamous political adviser of Bush, learned the man he thought was his biological father was a stepfather when the stepdad, announcing he was homosexual, dumped the family. Rove's mother then committed suicide.
Karl Rove lost two fathers to rejection and a mother to suicide. The homosexual father went on to pose in body piercing magazines. MACHIAVELLI'S SHADOW does not suggest what psychological effects all that had on Rove, who toiled in the direct mail business while repeatedly failing to make a name for himself as a political adviser. But with all the rejection he experienced in his family and career, it's as if Karl Rove attempted to deny reality, trying to make winners out of fellow losers such as George W. Bush, as no one with any credibility wanted him around. Rove often proved them right, falling on his face more than he would admit. According to this book:
- the late political hatchet man Lee Atwater, whom Rove claimed to be his mentor, hated him.
- Rove did not have the close relationship with George W. Bush he purports started when they met in the mid-1970s. They spent little time together until Bush hired Rove for his 1994 Texas gubernatorial campaign.
- George Iran-Contra Bush fired Rove from this 1988 presidential campaign for spreading lies about a political opponent.
- Rove was one of the gang that couldn't shoot straight at the Florida elementary school September 11, 2001, as George W. Bush, Andy Card and he froze up after learning the second plane hit the World Trade Center, confirming America was in crisis. No political adviser worth his salt allows a client - a U.S. president, no less - to look as stupid as Bush did those long six-plus minutes after Card whispered the news, yet Rove could not think on his feet.
Karl Rove, the man they deem "Bush's Brain," is in reality Bush's lame brain.
In 2000 George W. Bush seized the White House not on account of Rove's savvy but because of Ronald Reagan's and George Iran-Contra Bush's partisan Supreme Court appointments. Without the five "justices" who stopped the 2000 Florida recount that would have awarded the Sunshine State and the presidency to Al Gore, Karl Rove would have gone back to licking postage stamps for a living, one more failed campaign under his belt.
Naming every egregious Rove/Bush move would be like detailing each home run Hank Aaron hit; there were just too many to elaborate on all. Some that MACHIAVELLI'S SHADOW neglects include:
- regarding Hurricane Katrina, George W. Bush knew the storm was to devastate New Orleans, as a meeting videotape proves. But after the warning Bush did nothing and, as MACHIAVELLI'S SHADOW reminds us, the Bush White House's inept response was too little too late as flooding killed hundreds and stranded thousands.
- Rove accidentally sent voter caging lists to the wrong e-mail address, inadvertently breaking the story for the journalist Greg Palast, whom the e-mail recipient contacted after getting Rove's unintended missive.
- While MACHIAVELLI'S SHADOW says the George W. Bush administration decided to attack Iraq after 9/11, it's well-documented they actually started planning the invasion in January 2001 while the White House staff was still washing egg and tomato from Bush's inaugural limousine.
Karl Rove is not a comic book villain, one who commits crimes alone. While MACHIAVELLI'S SHADOW names accomplices as it recounts the offenses Rove orchestrated, the corporate media deserve much blame for not pressing Rove and George W. Bush harder on their scandals. The best example of that does not even involve Bush. Working for a Republican gubernatorial nominee in 1986, a few days before a televised debate Rove calls a press conference to claim he found a listening device in the candidate's campaign headquarters, implying the Democratic opponent was eavesdropping. The reporters promptly laugh in Rove's face, dismissing the stunt for what it was but several nonetheless write about the accusation. The corporate media act as nothing more than "He said, she said" stenographers instead of doing their job by investigating the matter. Rove's candidate wins the election. Too often journalists, like Karl Rove, don't let the facts get in the way of a good story.
It all reminds me of Michael Moore's 2003 Academy Awards speech, when he said, "We live in fictitious times." Read MACHIAVELLI'S SHADOW.Machiavelli's Shadow: The Rise and Fall of Karl Rove Overview

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The Prosecution of George W. Bush for Murder Review

The Prosecution of George W. Bush for Murder
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The Prosecution of George W. Bush for Murder ReviewI highly recommend Vincent Bugliosi's new book, The Prosecution of George W. Bush for Murder (Vanguard Press, 2008). Bugliosi is a highly admired prosecutor. He prosecuted the Manson family trials. He has never lost a murder conviction. He usually votes Democratic, though he supported McCain in 2000. He now offers an objective, factual, spin-free treatise on one of the greatest crimes in American history.
The reason that Bush, Rumsfield, Cheney and Rice went to war with Iraq is because George W. Bush simply wanted to go to war with Iraq. Just as Hitler was planning to go to war with Poland and France long before he became Chancellor of Germany, Bush was planning to go to war with Iraq long before he became President. Even though there was no connection between Iraq and the events of 9/11, that tragic event gave him the opportunity to sell his war dreams. Going to war had absolutely nothing to do with national security or any kind of imminent threat to the United States. It had absolutely nothing to do with 9/11 or Al Qaeda. In fact, the security of the United States has been considerably reduced as a result of Bush's adventure in Iraq. Therefore, the reason that the sons, daughters, fathers, mothers, siblings, best friends of thousands of Americans (and tens of thousands Iraqis) have had their intestines blown out of their bodies to be commingled with the pulverized brain tissue of the soldier sitting next to them in their unprotected, armor-free humvee is NOT because they bravely gave their lives for our country. It's because Bush lied to the country (and to the World), hid the truth and fabricated facts in order to satisfy his lust to go to war -- and have "fun" being a war-time President (at a cost that is now running over $1 Trillion in direct and indirect costs -- at time when Social Security is going bankrupt, health care coverage is not available for over 50,000,000 Americans, the economy is going south and the richest Americans are enjoying tax breaks).
Now, this is old news. You'd have to be either a fool, an ignoramus, in a coma or be a Fox News Channel viewer to be unaware of this. The facts are well documented and irrefutable. Just as volumes have been written about other recent criminal regimes (i.e., Pinochet, Hitler, Pol Pot, Stalin -- even Sadaam Hussein who, while not a threat to America was a bloody despot), there is no dearth of published information about the crimes of the Bush regime. Bugliosi's book differs in that he asks the question, "so what are we going to do about it?" He answers the question with a well thought out, logical, objective, non-partisan and legally sound solution: some time after Bush leaves office, prosecute him for murder in each of the 50 States.
On the face of it, this may sound like a preposterous proposal: prosecute a U.S. President for a capital crime (actually, over 4,000 counts of that crime)?!? But he makes a very strong and logical argument for why it should be done. He follows this up with a legally sound explanation about how it can be done.
In this election year, we can look forward to a lot of partisan books and articles from both political parties. Mr. Bugliosi offers us a refreshing (if unsettling) break from partisanship and spin with his objective, factual and well documented arguments. He even anticipates many rebuttal arguments to his thesis and responds to them. The book is neither pro-right nor pro-left. It is pro-American. Not Republicans vs. Democrats but, rather, The United States of America vs. George Bush.
Before I read this book, I believed that prosecuting and convicting a U.S. President, regardless of the extent or heinousness of his crimes, would do more harm to the United States than good. Now that I have read the book, my thinking has changed. Here we have a man who is personally responsible for putting tens of thousands of innocent people into harm's way for no other reason than his own, personal desire to wage war -- laughing and talking about how much fun he is having while all this is going on. A man, who while Governor of Texas, would publicly make fun of condemned convicts when they asked for mercy or for a stay of execution. The Governor of a state that executes more prisoners than any other state. As much as I personally oppose capital punishment, I have to admit that it would be ironic and just to see this particular criminal strapped to a gurney, himself, awaiting the needle. (At least it would be a swift, probably relatively painless, death. Not the kind of death that our nation's sons and daughters experienced as their armor-free bodies were ripped to shreds and whatever could be recovered of their remains categorized at the mortuary as "unviewable.")
I strongly encourage all patriotic Americans to read this book -- then lend it to your friends.
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Utter Incompetents: Ego and Ideology in the Age of Bush Review

Utter Incompetents: Ego and Ideology in the Age of Bush
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Utter Incompetents: Ego and Ideology in the Age of Bush ReviewYou might suppose from the title that this is just another book bashing the Bush administration and not worth the time or money when there are so many others to choose from, but while the catastrophes in foreign policy and the war in iraq are now well documented by convincing books, Oliphant is not content to retrace now well worn trails. He brings new information and background to the entire range of Bush administration incompetence--health care, environment, education, etc.
This is important to do since voices in Congress are mostly silent on these issues and newspapers with only a few exceptions have been far too restrained in their assessments. What you end up with here is an appreciation for the abysmal failures of this administration even to achieve its own goals because it is forever substituting short term public relations gimmicks for long term solutions. The full dimension of the Bush disaster becomes much clearer is this well written and carefully argued record.Utter Incompetents: Ego and Ideology in the Age of Bush Overview

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Torture Team: Rumsfeld's Memo and the Betrayal of American Values Review

Torture Team: Rumsfeld's Memo and the Betrayal of American Values
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Torture Team: Rumsfeld's Memo and the Betrayal of American Values ReviewPhillipe Sands book brings together a lot that was already known with some new information provided by interviews. This book was valuable in that it places the information in a coherent narrative. Sands lets his Interviewees speak for themselves and succeeds in not judging them personally, nor questioning their motives, but only points out where the International and US law may be used to judge them and their possible guilt. He interviews Jim Haynes, General Hill, Doug Feith, Diane Beaver, General Myers and others, devoting a chapter to each interview. The overall effect of these interviews is at times startling.
Sands focuses his main argument on the fact that lawyers were not guided by law in their memos and advice to the President, VP, Secretary of Defense, and others, but were subservient to the policy choices of our leaders. To use a phrase of Vice President Cheney, the Pentagon and Justice Department lawyers tried to write the law from the "dark side." We the readers are the jury who will decide if they stayed within the bounds of the rule of law.
I think Sands does show, in disagreement with Alberto Gonzalez, General Myers, and Jim Haynes that the mistreatment of prisoners in Guantanamo was not in response to a request for guidance from below but was the premeditated, concerted effort of the lead Principals and Lawyers in the Bush Administration to bypass Army FM 34-52. The timeframe of the discussions, memos and interrogation policies of Guantanamo all support that conclusion. There can be no question of coincidental connections.
Phillipe Sands convincingly connects the dots in my opinion. President Bush and his advisors made two momentous decisions. First, they set aside the Geneva Conventions and second, they augmented FM 34-52 with 18 interrogation techniques used separately and in concert. These interrogations left Al-Qahanti, the first target of this new policy, in the words of one Army interrogator, with "eyes, black as coals."
In his interview with Dr Abigail Seltzer, psychiatrist, and medical expert who has had extensive experience with torture survivors, we learn that deciding whether techniques are torture, a lot can be gleaned from the reaction of the victim. The interview, based on the actual interrogation logs of Mohammed Al-Qahtani, Detainee 063, is chilling, to say the least.
Critics may find that Sands spends too much time on Mohammed al-Qahtani Detainee 063 and exaggerates the importance of the treatment of one detainee, but I believe he shows how the part reveals the whole. Philippe Sands is very thorough in his analysis of detainee 063's case. He speaks with lawyers and medical experts to determine whether the treatment of 063 crossed the line into torture. His concentration, primarily on one case, did not detract from his book but strengthened it in my opinion. Sands also makes the point that illegal activity in regards to violations of Geneva Art. 3 can be imputed to a defendant based on only one case.
In one interview with an International Judge and Prosecutor, Sands quotes them as saying the Administration Principals and lawyers' attempt in the Military Commissions Act to immunize themselves from prosecution in the treatment of detainees before the passage of the Act was stupid and may come back to haunt them. In rejecting U.S. courts oversight of their cases they open themselves up to judgment by International Commissions and Courts. It could lead to a tap on the shoulder if the Principles visit other countries, much in the same way that Pinochet was arrested in Britain for crimes committed while he was the leader in Argentina.
Underlining the seriousness of this book and its charges, Sands quotes Justice Anthony Kennedy who wrote that acts against Geneva Art 3 are war crimes. The Supreme Court, in Hamdan vs Rumsfeld, overturned the President's decision and OLC and Pentagon lawyers' position that Geneva Conventions did not apply to Al Qaeda.
Critics are not going to like his drawing on the Nuremburg trials with inference that the US leaders and lawyers can be compared to Nazis. Sands is very careful to note that it is not his intention to make such a comparison, but only to use the legal principles derived from that era that are still applicable today. Mr. Sands does all this without swamping the average readers with a lot of legalese and jargon. Anyone with a patience and openness can follow his common sense approach.
Sadly this story is not over and much more is to come about meetings and involvement of top officials in the US government with torture. The Torture Team will provide an excellent bridge to future revelations and responses.
Postcript: On May 19th, Phillipe Sands revealed in the Manchester Guardian that the Pentagon has dropped all charges against Mohammed Al-Qahtani Detainee 063.
Postscrpt 2 Jan 14, 2009 "We tortured [Mohammed al-] Qahtani," said Susan J. Crawford, in her first interview since being named convening authority of military commissions by Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates in February 2007. "His treatment met the legal definition of torture. And that's why I did not refer the case" for prosecution.
Crawford, a retired judge who served as general counsel for the Army during the Reagan administration and as Pentagon inspector general when Dick Cheney was secretary of defense, is the first senior Bush administration official responsible for reviewing practices at Guantanamo to publicly state that a detainee was tortured.Torture Team: Rumsfeld's Memo and the Betrayal of American Values Overview

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Reassessing the Presidency : The Rise of the Executive State and the Decline of Freedom Review

Reassessing the Presidency : The Rise of the Executive State and the Decline of Freedom
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Reassessing the Presidency : The Rise of the Executive State and the Decline of Freedom ReviewAs a student of the presidency, I'm nearly at a loss to describe how interesting and important the essays in this collection are. This high quality is just what I've come to expect from the scholars and writers at the Ludwig von Mises Institute, and if I could give this title six or seven stars, I would.
As in any collection of essays, some of the ones here assembled are better than others. Taken as a whole, though, they are a powerful indictment of how the increasing centralization of power in the office of the presidency has resulted in the destruction of America's heritage of individual liberty and decentralized government. Some of the articles that struck me as particularly valuable (or just as fascinating reads) include:
* H. Arthur Scott Trask's study of Thomas Jefferson. This is one of the best attempts I've yet seen to grapple with the question, not only of whether Jefferson himself can justly be called a 'libertarian,' but also the specific issue of whether his two terms as president advanced or hindered the cause of liberty.
* Marshall L. DeRosa's 'Supreme Court as Accomplice: Judicial Backing for a Despotic Presidency.' While all three branches of government are to blame for the centralization of power in Washington, the Supreme Court has, at key points in history, been particularly destructive. DeRosa gives us chapter and verse.
* Randall G. Holcombe's 'The Electoral College as a Restraint on American Democracy.' This article goes beyond other analyses of the Electoral College in explaining how the Founders really intended the body to function, why it never did, and how it was early corrupted and twisted by the influence of party and faction.
* William Marina's excellent 'From Opponent of Empire to Career Opportunist: William Howard Taft as Conservative Bureaucrat in the Evolution of the American Imperial System.' In tracing Taft's career, Marina shows how foreign and domestic empire-building inevitably go hand-in-hand. This is an insightful and unexpectedly timely essay.
The two concluding essays, by Hans-Hermann Hoppe and Clyde N. Wilson, are also excellent summaries of the changing nature of the presidency and the likelihood, or lack thereof, for meaningful change. Other essays -- including those by Thomas J. DiLorenzo (of 'The Real Lincoln' fame), Ralph Raico, Joseph R. Stromberg, Jeffrey Rogers Hummel, and editor John V. Denson -- are of similar high quality. Space prevents me giving each of them the raves they deserve.
Each of these essays challenges the accepted hagiography of the presidency as an office, and of individual presidents as well. The men generally voted by historians as among our 'greatest' chief executives -- notably FDR, Lincoln, and Truman -- are proven in these pages to have been among the worst, most dangerous, and least worthy of canonization. The Mises Institute is never afraid to challenge the old orthodoxies (founder Lew Rockwell has called for the abolition of the office of the presidency altogether), and here they have done so, not only with skill and insight, but almost compulsive readability as well.
I have no hesitation, even now, in declaring this my Book of the Year for 2002 (it was published in 2001, but I'm a little behind in my reading). It's a bit of an effort to carry around, but it's definitely worth the exertion.Reassessing the Presidency : The Rise of the Executive State and the Decline of Freedom Overview

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Madison's Nightmare: How Executive Power Threatens American Democracy Review

Madison's Nightmare: How Executive Power Threatens American Democracy
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Madison's Nightmare: How Executive Power Threatens American Democracy ReviewThis book is much more about what the problem is than how to solve it, but the two things are not really separable, and the analysis of the problem here is invaluable.
This is a detailed and extensively researched look at the interactions among the three branches of our federal government, and the checks and balances employed - or the lack thereof. Shane takes a long view and sees 1981 and the Reagan presidency as the most radical break with the past, albeit the creation of a new era dramatically advanced by George W. Bush, following lesser advances by his father and Bill Clinton. Shane looks at domestic governance as much as foreign policy, and examines the relationships that departments and agencies have with the White House and with Congress.
It is now routine for the White House to send cabinet secretaries to swing electoral districts for political purposes. No department head sneezes without the president's permission. And the entire federal government is thought of as part of the executive branch -- with the exception of Congress, which is left to constitute the legislative branch all on its own. But look at how the Constitution viewed things. It devoted Article I and over half the length of the entire Constitution to Congress, which it gave virtually every power conceived of, touching on many of the current departments of the federal government, and then explicitly stipulating that Congress should have any other necessary powers as well. Congress, according to the Constitution, has the power . . .
"To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States or in any Department or Officer thereof."
Stubby little Article II gives very few powers to the president, nowhere suggesting that he or she should have ownership or command over the various agencies of government, and in fact not mentioning any other than the military, except to say that the president can make appointments, and to say this:
"He may require the Opinion, in writing, of the principal Officer in each of the executive Departments, upon any Subject relating to the Duties of their respective Offices."
This does refer to the departments as "executive departments," and Article II does begin by giving "the executive power" to the president. But it's worth pausing and stepping outside our own era for just long enough to wonder what "executive" means. Article II also says what the president is required to do, namely:
"He shall take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed."
Congress, until relatively recently, was understood to be central to our government. Only Congress is given the power to borrow money, to regulate commerce with foreign nations, to handle immigration and bankruptcies and the creation of money, transportation, the post office, the punishment of crimes, establishment of courts, defining and punishing crimes by other nations, declaring war, ending war, raising and spending money, creating and maintaining and overseeing the military, repelling invasions, and so on. These days, the White House is considered central to everything. Laws are made by "executive order" (an "executive order" is something like a faithful betrayal, a self-contradiction), by "signing statement" (a "signing statement" is a statement that one is NOT signing a bill as written) and by drafting legislation in the White House and insisting that Congress pass it out of loyalty to the president.
Imagine the absurdity today of suggesting that a president has the right to ask department heads to report on what they are doing. They are doing what he has told them to do. What Shane suggests is not that the EPA or the Department of Labor should be moved from the executive branch to the legislative, but that there are appropriate roles for both Congress and the president, not just the latter.
I cannot touch here on all of the rich and informed discussions in "Madison's Nightmare," which include perceptive condemnations of the secretive and unaccountable decision-making processes that led to wars in Vietnam and Iraq. I would fault Shane here only with too much generosity in assuming that the presidents in these cases were trying to learn anything that they failed to learn. But Shane is right that Congress must not only have the power to declare war or refuse to; it must also have the power to make public the deliberations that precede that decision. Shane is wrong, however, in my opinion -- and this seems to follow from his analysis -- in omitting from his recommendations at the end of the book any sort of accountability, prosecution, impeachment, or punishment. He does propose that the lawyers who facilitated torture be fired. However, they are -- with a couple of key exceptions -- already out of office. And why would someone as smart as Shane believe that lawyers should be dismissed for writing what they were asked to, but propose no penalty whatsoever for the president or vice president who did the asking? Indeed, how does Shane not notice that (had his book come out earlier) it would have been the torturer in chief who would have had to dismiss his own obliging lawyers?Madison's Nightmare: How Executive Power Threatens American Democracy Overview

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Blackwater: The Rise of the World's Most Powerful Mercenary Army Review

Blackwater: The Rise of the World's Most Powerful Mercenary Army
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Blackwater: The Rise of the World's Most Powerful Mercenary Army ReviewI read this book in one night after hearing Mr. Scahill speak in Washington DC. The book is a remarkable and bracing wake up call about the privatization of war and how that subverts even basic notions of democracy. I find it remarkable that people criticize Mr. Scahill for using terms like "radical Christian right" - as if these terms are caricatures and ad hominem attacks. Hardly. In fact Schaill then spends hundreds of pages breaking down exactly what is so "radical Christian right" about Blackwater. He is a serious journalist who has uncovered a story that is both illuminating and frightening. It's hard to have any respect for people who say "I didn't even get to the first page" and then feel like they can write a review on its content.
Last point: As good a writer as Scahill is, he's a better public speaker. People should go hear what he has to say. These aren't easy truths to consume, but they are truths that define and explain the current calamaties unleashed on the worldBlackwater: The Rise of the World's Most Powerful Mercenary Army Overview

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Prelude to Terror: the Rogue CIA, The Legacy of America's Private Intelligence Network the Compromising of American Intelligence Review

Prelude to Terror: the Rogue CIA, The Legacy of America's Private Intelligence Network                        the Compromising of American Intelligence
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Prelude to Terror: the Rogue CIA, The Legacy of America's Private Intelligence Network the Compromising of American Intelligence ReviewFirst and foremost, I think the POV is the CIA's "intelligence" wing(s) vs. the "Ops" goons, a longstanding civil war in the CIA and the other clandestine services where Trento, who has covered intelligence for 35 years, clearly sources to the inteligence side of the battle.
Those of us following scandals from Nixon's treason in 1968 as a private citizen who sabotaged Vietnam War peace negotiations, through Watergate, through Bush I's treason in Iran as a private citizen negotiating the continued retention of American Hostages, through Iran/Contra, through Bush II's treason as a private citizen interfering in Mideast peace negotiations, noticed the same small cabal involved in everything - Ted Shackley, Thomas Clines, John Poindexter, Richard Secord, John Singlaub, George Herbert Walker Bush, James Angleton, Chi Chi Quinterez, Ed Wilson - and at various times, people like Oliver North and even Zbiegniew Brzezhinski operating on their behalf on a regular basis. Two of these, Angleton and Clines, were interviewed by Trento.
This book goes back to the days of Dulles and ahead to the present and shows how the CIA's old boy network can always bite back harder than it's bitten. It deals peripherally with things like BCCI and Nugan/Hand. It's much more critical of Stansfield Turner, whom I have met on a couple of occasions, than I would be, but it nicely fills in the back story on his period as director of the CIA.
This book has nothing about Adnan Kashoggi but does talk about Sarkis Soghnalian, a Turkish/Armenian power broker. I think one of the weak links for the rogue operative network is in fact the information held by their non-American allies. It's possible the US or Israel will attack Iran, and if so, people should be educated enough to understand any revelations the Iranians might have for us in retaliation.Prelude to Terror: the Rogue CIA, The Legacy of America's Private Intelligence Network the Compromising of American Intelligence Overview

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Reclaiming Conservatism: How a Great American Political Movement Got Lost--And How It Can Find Its Way Back Review

Reclaiming Conservatism: How a Great American Political Movement Got Lost--And How It Can Find Its Way Back
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Reclaiming Conservatism: How a Great American Political Movement Got Lost--And How It Can Find Its Way Back ReviewThe first key point is to recognize that Edwards is referring to American conservatism, by which he means being faithful to the constitution. Accordingly, he finds it conservative to champion individual rights, equal opportunity, separation of church and state, and separation of powers. As a former Congressional leader, Edwards is particularly strong on the last point, unleashing his disdain, indeed fury, at the way the Congressional Republicans have capitulated to the monarchial Bush Administration.
Having been inspired by Barry Goldwater's conservative philosophy in the 1960s, and a Congressional partner to Reagan's reign in the 1980s, this Oklahoma Republican congressman shows how the Republican Party got out of whack under Newt Gingrich's reign in the House. In the book, Edwards also sets forth "conservative" values, which it turns out most liberals would support in principle, and the steps that conservatives need to take to regain their proper place in American politics. One telling step is for conservatives to declare independence from party discipline when it does not serve their principles.
The book is an easy read with a powerful message for liberals as well as conservatives, Democrats as well as Republicans. Highly recommended.Reclaiming Conservatism: How a Great American Political Movement Got Lost--And How It Can Find Its Way Back Overview

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Crossing the Rubicon: The Decline of the American Empire at the End of the Age of Oil Review

Crossing the Rubicon: The Decline of the American Empire at the End of the Age of Oil
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Crossing the Rubicon: The Decline of the American Empire at the End of the Age of Oil ReviewRegarding the review from the_mirror.
I have never considered either Timothy McVeigh or Terry Nichols to be American heroes. Pawns, patsies and not very bright, yes; Heroes, never. Further, like many who are moderately familiar with the OKC bombing, I have serious doubts as to the government's version of events there and I also seriously doubt that a truck bomb caused all that damage based upon hard science.
Neither do I advocate or even remotely endorse any form of violence against the government, especially a cowardly attack against innocent women and children. I never have.
These convenient attempts to discredit me and Rubicon with associations we have never been a part of are transparent efforts that have been easily recognized by Amazon reviewers thus far.
I am, however, humbled and personally gratified by the reviews I have seen. They prove that people are getting it!
Michael C. Ruppert
Author
"Crossing the Rubicon"Crossing the Rubicon: The Decline of the American Empire at the End of the Age of Oil Overview

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The Co-Presidency of Bush and Cheney (Stanford Politics and Policy) Review

The Co-Presidency of Bush and Cheney (Stanford Politics and Policy)
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The Co-Presidency of Bush and Cheney (Stanford Politics and Policy) ReviewI received my copy of The Co-Presidency of Bush and Cheney, and I can hardly put it down. Shirley Warshaw has written a tour-de-force that explores and probes the two principals of the Bush-Cheney Administration. An exhaustively researched work of scholarship of the highest standard, this book is highly readable and not just for the policy wonks and political junkies. Dr. Warshaw has taken pains to present a thorough analysis and fair investigation of the last administration, and every citizen who reads it will find his or her understanding of executive power greatly enriched. The Co-Presidency of Bush and Cheney is a powerful, thought-provoking must-read for every voting American.The Co-Presidency of Bush and Cheney (Stanford Politics and Policy) Overview

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