Showing posts with label founding fathers. Show all posts
Showing posts with label founding fathers. Show all posts

Supreme Power: Franklin Roosevelt vs. the Supreme Court Review

Supreme Power: Franklin Roosevelt vs. the Supreme Court
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Supreme Power: Franklin Roosevelt vs. the Supreme Court ReviewMr. Shesol has created a wonderful and readable account of politics in the 1930's. Even the chapter titles are colorful and implies the high stakes involved in the political showdown between the liberal President and the conservative Supreme Court. The author does not begin his tale in 1937 (the year of the court-packing political battle), but in 1932 with Roosevelt's election in a time of economic turmoil. He clearly covers Roosevelt's first term with the New Deal programs that were overturned by the Supreme Court, the 1936 landslide victory by Roosevelt and then his political decision to deal with all the 5-4 and 6-3 court rulings that he lost. With 500+ pages of text and 100 pages of supporting documentation/index, this is an excellent work of political history.Supreme Power: Franklin Roosevelt vs. the Supreme Court Overview

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Who Killed the Constitution?: The Fate of American Liberty from World War I to George W. Bush Review

Who Killed the Constitution: The Fate of American Liberty from World War I to George W. Bush
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Who Killed the Constitution: The Fate of American Liberty from World War I to George W. Bush ReviewMessers Woods and Gutzman wrote a provocative book that should be read by Americans who actually care about law-and-order plus individual liberties. This reviewer has noticed that the number of Americans who do care is quite small. The book deals "The Dirty Dozen" cases and instances of abuse of government power, and the authors readily admit that this book could have been exponentially larger. This review will not cover all "The Dirty Dozen" examples which would make the review too tedious. However, the general scheme of the book will be examined.
The first example cited in this book dealt with the arbitrary laws that violated First Amendment rights of Free Speech and Free Press (1917-1918). U.S. authorities could make arrests and prosecutions for the most innocent remarks that could have been construed as critical of U.S. intervention into W.W. I. What was worse,the authors cited examples of official tattle tales who reported on neighbors'comments. As an aside, Messers Woods and Gutzman demolish the statement alleged by Pres. Woodrow Wilson who supposedly expressed regret for agreeing to the Declaraion of War. The authors clearly that the statement was fabricated by Wilson's sycophants who tried to cover Wilson's blunder. The basic constitutional point made my Messers Woods and Gutzman is that the First Amendment clearly states that Congress shall make no law abridging the rights of Free Speech and Free Press. Yet, power hungry political hacks and unthinking Americans accepted all of this with little protest. One should note that the American people are so poorly read and so ready to believe media accounts that such oppressive laws are no longer necessary. The American media folks have so censored themselves that censorship laws are unnecessary. Too many Americans are too immune to truth and reason to notice.
Messers Woods and Gutzman had a good examination of Pres. Truman's attempt to seize American steel mills because labor union leaders wanted more than steel executives were willing to give. Truman's threat was made to curry favor with steel workers and increase wages. The U.S. Supreme Court Justices ruled against the Truman Administration. However, as Messers Woods and Gutzman noted, the ruling was not strong enough. Also they alerted readers that if a President could seize steel mills, he could also seize steel mills or any industry to REDUCE wages.
The chapters dealing with the civil rights cases were carefully researched and clear. The authors show that in an attempt to end discrimination, they only made it worse. School authorities were scolded because of the changing demographics. Civil rights laws which forbade assigning students to schools by race were ignored by federal judges who ordered busing to schools based on race. The consistently flawed federal rulings that changed almost overnight resulted in such confusion that court orders for busing had to end.
The chapter titled The Great Gold Robbery showed an arbitrary U.S. Government whose authorities went after law abiding citizens whose only crime was that they owned gold. This "legal" basis for this decision was that the federal authorities could do this under W.W. I laws about trading with the enemy (Today U.S. defined enemies change as often as one changes shirts). In other words, U.S. citizens who happened to own gold were suddenly enemies. Such arbitrary power needs no further comment.
This reviewer thought the chapter on "The Wall of Separation" was the weakest, but this chapter was still well written. As an aside, this reviewer is not offended if someone has a menorah or a creche on their premises. If Christians wish me a Merry Christmas or Jews wish me Happy Hanukkah, this reviewer is not offended and accepts the statements in the spirit in which such comments are made. If Hindus or Moslems offter greetings, again, such statements are accepted as gestures of good will.
Messers Woods and Gutzman stated that the people in the states should determine public school or any public display of religious symbols. What should have been considered is that some state authorities can use their power to coerce of intimidate those of a different religion. In other words, state authorities can be as oppressive as federal authorities. Too often legal cases reach the courts because, for example, some school official or coach will demean or intimidate anyone who has different religious convictions. However, the chapter has merit because of "overkill" by those opposed to any religious symbols in public places.
The chapter on military conscription was very good. Messers Woods and Gutzman provided substantial research that the Founding Fathers and early National political leaders were opposed to a national military conscription which started in Europe. The quatation of Danial Webster on the floor of Congress rejecting a draft is worth noting. Readers should note that many who want military conscription want it for everyone else except themselves. Walter Lippman promoted military conscription until he realized he too could be conscripted. He managed to get cushy government while exhorting other Americans to risk their lives (a real hero here). The former U.S. House member Andy Jacobs called such cowards, who want wars but want others to do the killing and the dying, war wimps and chicken hawks. Mr. Jacobs was a decorated Marine during the Korean War.
The chapter titled "Do Americans have a Constitutional Duty to Suffer?" is a good example of judicial stupiidty and bureaucratic nonsense. This chapter cites federal attempts to stop people who are suffering from using medical marijuana. The unreasonable judicial rulings stated that home-grown marijuana could be eliminated by the power of the Interstate Commerece Clause of the Constitution. Since the plants were used for immediate medical use per physicians' prescriptions, the illogic of using the plants could affect interstate commerice is obvious.
The chapters dealing with excutive orders, war powers, and signing statements are ominous. Messers Woods and Gutzman carefully demonstrated that such powers are unconstitutional and lawful. Executive orders began with the administration of the Pres. Theodore Roosevelt when he granted diplomatic recognition to a country when the U.S. Senate refused to do so. Pres. Theodore Roosevelt simply used a different phrase via executive order. The chapter titled "The phony Case for Presidental War Power" offers a stinging rebuke of a law clerk and later government "Justice" Dept. offical name Yoo. Yoo wrote a poorly reasoned law review article which stated that the U.S. President can use his war powers to send combat forces anywhere any time he damned well pleases. The Constitution history and warnings of the Founding Fathers are well cited in this section. The chapter on signing statements would be amusing if not so dangerous. Messers Woods and Gutzman give precise ecamples of how signing statements, which only express a president's disapproval of a section of a bill, have been recently used to violate the law especially duirng the Clinton and Bush administrations. To use signing statements as pretext to violate the law is unconstitutional and illegal. An opinion is not a constitutional power to break the law.
The last chapter titled "Can Anything Be Done?" is not hopeful at all. When most Americans are concerned about what dress some celebrity is wearing, the abuses of the Constitution will never get corrected. As this reviewer has stated elsewhere, the American people have raised thoughtlessness to a virtue.Who Killed the Constitution: The Fate of American Liberty from World War I to George W. Bush Overview

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George Washington's Leadership Lessons: What the Father of Our Country Can Teach Us About Effective Leadership and Character Review

George Washington's Leadership Lessons: What the Father of Our Country Can Teach Us About Effective Leadership and Character
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George Washington's Leadership Lessons: What the Father of Our Country Can Teach Us About Effective Leadership and Character Review
This is a terrific book that serves an important purpose: to teach by example. In the first part of this 3-part book, the authors break down the art of leadership into 15 traits and virtues that leaders must manifest, and then, in a very unique way, they cite incidents, quotations, and anecdotes from the life of George Washington (sourced in most cases from Washington's own writings) to illustrate how the Father of America employed each character trait.
The second part of the book is a look at Washington's "Rules of Civility," along with annotation for select rules illustrating how it was employed - or ignored - in modern times.
The third part of the book will really be an eye-opener for lots of people: it is a lengthy, meticulously researched look at George Washington as an entrepreneur. Many people are not aware that Washington had an enormous fishing enterprise at Mount Vernon, or that he was a distiller, or an aggressive real estate investor, or that he routinely experimented with crops to improve productivity.
There's no denying George Washington was a leader. He was, after all, the United States' first President. But now, with GEORGE WASHINGTON'S LEADERSHIP LESSONS, we are given a comprehensive look at just how he exercised his leadership, and how we can learn from his efforts. Recommended.George Washington's Leadership Lessons: What the Father of Our Country Can Teach Us About Effective Leadership and Character Overview

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Secret and Sanctioned: Covert Operations and the American Presidency Review

Secret and Sanctioned: Covert Operations and the American Presidency
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Secret and Sanctioned: Covert Operations and the American Presidency ReviewStephen Knott starts this fast paced book by recounting the myth that covert operations in America began with the Cold War, and searches for the truth or falsity of this belief. Then Knott recounts the history of covert operations in America, beginning during the Revolutionary war with George Washington. Knott points out how the founding fathers understood the value of secrecy and espionage run by the executive branch to maintain secrecy and deniability.
Knott explains how Washington created a contingency fund to pay for spies and secret diplomacy. Jefferson bribed Indians to gain territory and started to overthrow the Pasha of the Barbary pirates. Madison planned covert operations to gain Spanish Florida, to gain land, stop Indian attacks, and get Spain out of North America. Then Knott describes the efforts of Joel Poinsett for President Madison in Argentina and Chile where he tried to incite independence from Spain, and cut down the influence of the British. Eventually Poinsett worked in Mexico on behalf of President Monroe. Andrew Jackson sent Robert Anthony to Mexico to try and get Texas, to help protect New Orleans. During the Civil War, Abraham Lincoln supported covert efforts throughout Europe and Canada supporting the Union through propaganda in newspapers.
Knott concludes the book by showing how during the nineteen-seventies, congressmen wanted to control covert operations and set up a congressional oversight in the belief that this is what the founding fathers would have wanted. But, as we have seen, the founding fathers believed in covert operations with no congressional oversight, because even then congress could not keep a secret. Knott's book is full of surprising anecdotes detailing the use of covert operations by the founding fathers.Secret and Sanctioned: Covert Operations and the American Presidency Overview

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America's Presidents: Facts, Photos, and Memorabilia from the Nation's Chief Executives (Museum in a Book) Review

America's Presidents: Facts, Photos, and Memorabilia from the Nation's Chief Executives (Museum in a Book)
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America's Presidents: Facts, Photos, and Memorabilia from the Nation's Chief Executives (Museum in a Book) ReviewThis was purchased as a gift for someone who had just become an American citizen. I was looking for a book that could give a comprehensive overview of American Presidents. Such a book in one volume was almost impossible to find. This book offered a different approach to the same idea.
The book is unique. It is like an archive or museum in itself. It is filled with unusual mementoes from various presidencies, copies of things that personalize the era. Some pop up, others are folded within envelopes, and so on. So, on every page there is something different.
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The Presidents Fact Book: A Comprehensive Handbook to the Achievements, Events, People, Triumphs, and Tragedies of Every President from George Washington to George W. Bush Review

The Presidents Fact Book: A Comprehensive Handbook to the Achievements, Events, People, Triumphs, and Tragedies of Every President from George Washington to George W. Bush
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The Presidents Fact Book: A Comprehensive Handbook to the Achievements, Events, People, Triumphs, and Tragedies of Every President from George Washington to George W. Bush ReviewThe price tag for The Presidents Fact Book: A Comprehensive Handbook To The Achievements, Events, People, Triumphs, And Tragedies Of Every President From George Washington To George W. Bush is a bargain for a weighty, sweeping survey of American presidential biographies as presented by Roger Matuz in over 700 pages of detail: any high school, college or general public library collection with an interest in Presidential history and biographies will appreciate this review of the lives and times of all the nation's presidents. Included are not only biographical sketches, but boxed details on key historical figures of their times, first ladies, and lesser-known presidential facts.
The Presidents Fact Book: A Comprehensive Handbook to the Achievements, Events, People, Triumphs, and Tragedies of Every President from George Washington to George W. Bush Overview

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The American State Constitutional Tradition Review

The American State Constitutional Tradition
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The American State Constitutional Tradition ReviewEach year witnesses the publication of many books on constitutional theory and history that are worth reading. But few of those books really transcend and redefine the field of study. John Dinan's most recent book may be one of those few. At the very least, I believe it is a harbinger of a sea change in the field. I believe that we are going to see much more interest in the history of the various state constitutions as a part of the American constitutional tradition than has been the case up until now.
And everyone who studies those state constitutions will find themselves in serious debt to Dinan. Consider the following numbers: "All told, the fifty states have held 233 constitutional conventions, adopted 146 constitutions, and ratified over 6,000 amendments to their current constituions" (Dinan, 1). Most of the conventions fell within five periods in American history. The Founding era, the Jacksonian era, the Civil War period and its aftermath, the Progressive era and then what Dinan calls the Reapportionment Revolution that occured after the 1962 Supreme Court ruling in Baker v. Carr were the periods of intense constitutional activity. Out of those 233 conventions, Dinan has located the records to 114 conventions. He has read all of those records plus all contemporary accounts he could find of the conventions and an enormous amount of secondary material. What is even more impressive is that throughout his book he very clearly lays out what state adopted what change, where that can be found not only in that state's constitution but in the convention records. His book led me to purchase the convention records of my own state, Oregon and to begin wading through it. By the way, part of the fun of Dinan's book is in the quotes from those conventions. Some of the convention members were quite funny in a Mark Twain way.
Dinan's conclusion is that too much emphasis has been placed on the Federal Convention and ratification debates when discussing American constitutionalism. He is not questioning the quality of those records but he is pointing out that our constitutional thought evolved in many ways beyond those records and may well be best revealed in the records of the various states.
The linchpin difference is in the amendment process. In his Chapter 2, Dinan traces the way that the state approach to amendment changed over the course of our history. The first hard look at the amendment process came during the Jacksonian period. During this time, many of the established states witnessed popular desire to overcome the entrenched power of certain geographical areas of that state. These entrenched powers maintained their power through malapportionment of the legislature (p.33). One way to correct this problem was to liberalize the amendment process. This was claimed to have other benefits as well. It would educate the populace in republican principles via the amendment debates and it would give legitimate majoritarian movements a way to push for change short of revolution. Of course, these arguments were countered but in general the amendment process was slowly liberalized. By the end of the 19th century, all states but New Hampshire had authorized their legislatures to make amendments (p.42). Dinan traces this process through the 20th century movement to allow for amendment by constitutional initiative. (The great State of) Oregon was the first to allow this in 1903 and since then 17 other states have provided for that form of amendment. Many other states have eliminated their most stringent supermajority requirements for amendments or for calling conventions. Compare this with the stringent supermajority requirements of the U.S. Constitution. Working with the 2000 Census numbers, it is theoretically possible for the less than 6% of the population (rounding up from the total for the 13 least populated states) to block an amendment.
This difference in the ease of amendment has certain immediate and obvious implications. I would claim (this is my own point) that this makes the state constitutions messier; with a less clear boundary between statuatory and constitutional law. Especially in states like mine that allow for constitutional initiatives, this boundary gets blurred. And this can cause problems, especially with the protection of the rights of individuals.
Dinan focuses his books on relating the way this difference played out in the state constitutions in five major areas of governance: representation, seperation of powers, bicameralism, rights and citizen character. Each of these broad issues is dealt with in its own chapter, tracing its own history and the arguments that were adduced during the conventions. Each chapter notes some of the major ways that the states eventually diverged from the federal model. In the case of representation, for example, many states choose to, over time, allow their citizens more and more of a direct voice in determining the laws of their state. Twenty-four states currently allow for some sort of referendum and initiative system (pp.134-5). Those who believe in the whole bugaboo of judicial review will be chagrined to read that little change was made to judicial review during the course of our history. Two states currently require a supermajority of their Supreme Court justices to overturn a law. The most popular corrective has proven to be the recall of justices pioneered by (the great State of) Oregon in 1908. Since then, eleven other states have followed suit (judicial review is discussed in Dinan on pp. 123-35). Dinan's chapter on Citizen Character is especially revealing in terms of the liberalism/republicanism debate. I recently reviewed two excellent volumes by Alan Gibson on how that debate has molded our understanding of the U.S. Constitution. One of Gibson's main conclusions was that the Founders did not want to mold the character of our citizens on the Federal level. One of the conclusions of Dinan's book is the founders of the individual states sure gave it a good try for a long time. And in some ways, they succeeded. Probably the most important way to look at the spread of universal compulsory education is in this light- that it was largely done to mold (and conform) the character of the American melting pot. To which I say, "Good luck with that".
In any case, this is a remarkable book and one that I will return to a lot in the future. Dinan's scholarship is insightful and his presentation of that scholarship is generous. I cannot recommend this book highly enough.
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A March of Liberty: A Constitutional History of the United States Volume II: From 1877 to the Present Review

A March of Liberty: A Constitutional History of the United States Volume II: From 1877 to the Present
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A March of Liberty: A Constitutional History of the United States Volume II: From 1877 to the Present ReviewAs far as history textbooks are concerned, I like this one. Yes, it's dense, but it's dense subject matter. The book is a lot less dry than it could be. Yes, the book is biased, but that can lead to interesting class discussion (or just plain thought), especially if one reads other essays/books on the subjects.
I'm trying to imagine a better constitutional history textbook and I can't, though I will not claim to be an expert on history textbooks. At least this one gives plenty of information to understand the history that surrounds the Supreme Court cases. Everything's nice, connected, and easy to understand--if a bit dense.A March of Liberty: A Constitutional History of the United States Volume II: From 1877 to the Present Overview

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Thomas Jefferson and the New Nation: A Biography (Galaxy Books) Review

Thomas Jefferson and the New Nation: A Biography (Galaxy Books)
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Thomas Jefferson and the New Nation: A Biography (Galaxy Books) ReviewFor people who have recently become interested in the Founding Fathers and are interested in Thomas Jefferson, this is the book to read. I had just read Chernow's Hamilton and Ellis' Sphinx and several other recently written books on the Founding Fathers, and almost all of them had bad things to say about Jefferson. So much so that I really began to wonder how it came to be that Jefferson had gained such a great reputation. Why is his name revered???
Finally, I found a book that unabashedly took Jefferson's point of view on every single issue, which was refreshing. It balanced the lopsided information I had been receiving, though, knowing what I knew, I could also see where Peterson was possibly stretching things, such as portraying Jefferson as anti-slavery....Though at least I heard the rebuttal to Jefferson's pro-slavery leanings. Jefferson clearly couldn't have made the USA all by himself, as Hamilton could have, but Jefferson was clearly an important part of the picture.
One reservation I had going into the book is that the Jefferson papers were really just in the middle of being editted at Princeton University when the book was written in 1970. I was concerned that this edition may be lacking important information. It may have, but for an enthusiast like myself, the knowledge available in 1970, when the book was written, by the Thomas Jefferson Foundation Professor at the University of Virginia, was good enough.
The book, in short, is still considered the gold-standard biography of Jefferson, in addition to the six volume Dumas Malone work, which is simply too long. The book is very easy to read. The most interesting sections were on Jefferson's time in the Virginia legislature and as Governor of Virginia during the Revolutionary War, the leadup negotiation to and effects of the Louisiana Purchase, and the Burr conspiracy, in which the former Vice President to Jefferson tried to head up a break-away republic in the newly-purchased Louisiana purchase territory with him at the head.
The book is definitely long, just a few pages of text over 1000 pages, the longest book I had ever read, but the material is great. There's tons of quotes and source material written in the book, as one would expect from an author who had dedicated his entire life to Jefferson. There's an earlier book by Peterson, "The Image of Jefferson" which actually answers the question of how Jefferson has been portrayed throughout our history, which sounds fascinating. Jefferson's image is tarnished right now, but in prior eras, he was looked up to as a beacon of hope. I plan to read that one at some point, but, after 1000 pages of stright TJ, I need a break.
Just one other note, the second section "Philosopher of the Revolution", should really by re-read after you finish the book. You'll understand what Peterson is talking about better. You'll enjoy the book, all 1000 pages of it!Thomas Jefferson and the New Nation: A Biography (Galaxy Books) Overview

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To Serve the President: Continuity and Innovation in the White House Staff Review

To Serve the President: Continuity and Innovation in the White House Staff
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To Serve the President: Continuity and Innovation in the White House Staff ReviewWritten for the then-unknown president-elect of 2008, this book must be a godsend for Barack Obama and his immediate staff--of thousands. I come to it as a far outsider, with only a few administrative years in government in the 1960s, expecting something rather dry. Surprise! The author carries his experience and judgment easily, with adroit writing and (no surprise!) superb organization. An old hand at the White House--a total of 14 years with Eisenhower, Nixon and Ford--Patterson also served as president of the American Society for Public Administration. Among the goals of this book:
"--To paint a factual, nonpartisan picture of the White House at work for the other indispensable participants in the Washington environment--Congress, the media..., many of whom have inaccurate or negative stereotypes about that institution--impressions that the White House itself is slow to correct."
"--To broaden the knowledge of those who are teaching civics and political science in the nation's high schools and universities and to stimulate the interest of their students..."
The George W. Bush administration provides basic, detailed information and orientation, but perspectives are drawn from FDR and Eisenhower forward. Patterson provides an unofficial organizational chart; if there is an official one, that's a secret. One need not read every page to enjoy and benefit from this remarkable presentation. The organizational bones come with plenty of meat. And there are even some delectable mixed nuts carefully sited in Patterson's scale-model White House. "Contrary to public belief, sycophants and crusaders, if tolerated briefly, are not long welcome at the White House."To Serve the President: Continuity and Innovation in the White House Staff Overview

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The Bill of Rights in Modern America: Revised and Expanded Review

The Bill of Rights in Modern America: Revised and Expanded
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The Bill of Rights in Modern America: Revised and Expanded ReviewHow much does the Bill of Rights really mean to the United States? Now in a fully revised and significantly expanded second edition, "The Bill of Rights in Modern America" is a critical examination of the bill of rights and what exactly it all means to modern American society. Aimed at a general audience, it's easily accessible to non-specialist general readers and offers much food for thought of how many contemporary political debates involve or dis-involve something our very country is built on. Knowledgeably compiled and expertly edited by the team of David J. Bodenhamer and James W. Ely, "The Bill of Rights in Modern America" is a great centerpiece for discussion for any group.
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Faces of Revolution: Personalities & Themes in the Struggle for American Independence Review

Faces of Revolution: Personalities and Themes in the Struggle for American Independence
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Faces of Revolution: Personalities & Themes in the Struggle for American Independence ReviewThis is an excellent collection of essays dealing with, as the title suggests, the key people and ideas of the revolutionary period. It is extremely well-written and well-argued and draws upon a lifetime of scholarship.
His biographical vignettes flesh out the personal characteristics and ideas of key figures (great description of John Adams: "driven and uneasy"). Particularly interesting among these were the two lesser known figures: Thomas Hutchinson and the unknown Harbottle Dorr. The conservative (especially in temperament) Hutchinson found himself unable to respond to--effectively, if at all--or understand revolutionary ideas or motivations. Harbottle Dorr, who I suspect will never appear in a textbook, kept a fascinating collection of Boston newspapers, which he indexed and annotated throughout the period; his story is a deep insight into what was driving "regular" revolutionaries and how they were engaging the ideas of the time.
The thematic essays are also particularly good. "1776 in Britain and America: A Year of Challenge--A World Transformed" was especially enlightening. It places American events and ideas in the broader context of what was occurring in Britain; this annus mirabilis witnessed the publication not only of Paine's "Common Sense," but also Gibbon's "Decline and Fall," Smith's "Wealth of Nations," and Bentham's "Fragment on Government," among several other lesser known works. This was a world in flux, with ubiquitous economic growth and a population explosion--as well as vast movements of people. Existing government structures were insufficient in dealing with these dramatic changes, and so new ideas and ideologies--building on previous authors, such as Locke--circulated to address the new problems. The other thematic essays, in some way or another, also attempt to place the ideas and themes in a broader perspective--either of the physical world or the world of ideas.
All in all, a great compilation of essays.Faces of Revolution: Personalities & Themes in the Struggle for American Independence Overview

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The Glorious Cause: The American Revolution, 1763-1789 (Oxford History of the United States) Review

The Glorious Cause: The American Revolution, 1763-1789 (Oxford History of the United States)
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The Glorious Cause: The American Revolution, 1763-1789 (Oxford History of the United States) ReviewThe inaugural volume of the highly honored but still unfinished "Oxford History Of The United States" series is "The Glorious Cause: The American Revolution, 1763-1789," a superbly written, scholarly, and highly literate account of the America's War for Independence. Written by Robert L. Middlekauff, Professor of History... this is the finest account of the Revolutionary War I've found to date... even better than Benson Bobrick's "Angel in the Whirlwind," which I've already reviewed.
"The Glorious Cause" is a comprehensive account of the American Revolution designed to give readers a well rounded overview of not only the causes of the war, but also of how the war was fought. The book succeeds admirably at its task. After finishing "The Glorious Cause," I felt a much greater appreciation for the men and women whose struggle for freedom brought forth on the North American continent a new and independent nation - the United States of America.
"The Glorious Cause" begins by examining the causes of the American Revolution. In one of the book's earliest chapters, entitled "The Children of the Twice Born," Middlekauff carefully lays out his closely reasoned and well argued thesis: that the seeds of revolution were planted long before the war was actually fought. Those seeds, embodied in the economic, social, political, and religious fabric of American society, made the evolution to democracy on the North American continent almost inevitable.
The earliest settlers came to the New World because of their disenchantment with authoritarian English laws and what they viewed as centralized, overly ritualistic, dogmatic Anglican religion. When the settlers arrived with their ideals of political and congregationalist religious democracy, they found land cheap and plentiful. Whereas only about 20 percent of all Englishmen were landowners, and hence were eligible to participate in England's parliamentary democracy, over 50 percent of American colonists owned land and therefore could take part in colonial parliamentary government. The result: provincial representative assemblies tended to do the bidding of their constituents rather than the royal governors. After the Seven Years' War, tension between American political and economic interests and the interests of the British government was exacerbated by Parliament's intent to restore Britsh prerogatives in America.
Tension was bound to lead to conflict, and that conflict wasn't long in coming. The American colonies were left pretty much to their own economic and political devices during the Seven Years' War, so long as they provided support for Britain's war against the French. The colonists bore the brunt of the fighting during the war against the French in North America; at war's end, they expected to be permitted to return to some semblance of self-government. It was not to be, however. Under Britain's new King and a Parliament with a new-found awareness of the American colonies' potential to enrich their colonial masters, Parliament began enacting a series of laws (Stamp Act, Townshend Acts, Sugar Act, etc.) designed to bring the colonies to heel. The colonists, thoroughly imbued with the ideals of democracy and liberty, rebelled, first through political means, and finally, inevitably, through violence.
Once "The Glorious Cause" completes its assessment of the causes of the war, it takes the reader on a fascinating journey through the war itself. The way the American Revolution was fought is frequently shrouded in the mists of legend, with great American heroes standing tall against the overwhelming might of the British and Hessian armies. There are strong elements of historical truth to that legend, but Middlekauff does an excellent job of portraying the war exactly as it was: a very closely contested fight between colonial masters and those who wished to throw off the yoke of colonialism.
There's really almost nothing to criticize in "The Glorious Cause." It is, in nearly every respect, an outstanding work of history. It's comprehensive in its scope; thorough in its approach; obviously very well researched; and imbued with careful, thoughtful, and incisive historical analysis. Middlekauff's descriptions of Revolutionary War battles are first-rate. The author completely captures the flavor of eighteenth century warfare in general, and of the battles of the American Revolution in particular. When I finished reading "The Glorious Cause," I felt as if I had actually been there at some of the great battles of the war.
One very minor caveat: because "The Glorious Cause" takes a fairly academic approach to studying the American Revolution, the book's somewhat lofty and scholarly sounding language may not appeal to readers with only a passing interest in history in general, and the American Revolution in particular. That's not to say the book has only a narrow appeal to academics and history scholars, however; it is definitely written for the general reader with a love of American history. It will, in my view, prove a most satisfying experience for the vast majority of history lovers who decide to read it.
"The Glorious Cause" is a winner of a book in every respect. With a dearth of excellent books about the American Revolution currently in print, this volume fills a crucial need for those who wish to learn about America's struggle for independence. As the inaugural volume of the "Oxford History Of The United States," "The Glorious Cause" also sets the tone for the whole series... highly readable, thoroughly imbued with first-rate scholarship and a polished, eloquent writing style; and simply a pleasure to read.The Glorious Cause: The American Revolution, 1763-1789 (Oxford History of the United States) Overview

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Debating the Presidency: Conflicting Perspectives On the American Executive Review

Debating the Presidency: Conflicting Perspectives On the American Executive
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Debating the Presidency: Conflicting Perspectives On the American Executive ReviewThis was a phenomenally fun and informative read. The book takes the most contentious issues relating to the executive branch and has the most brilliant scholars of the topics argue their respective points. The chapters address century old debates like whether we should abolish the electoral college, to less conventional debates like the abolition of the vice presidency.
The format is perfect for those new to the debates or well-versed in them. First, a synopsis and historical background of a particular controversy is given, followed by two thorough, but totally dichotomous perspectives. My only criticism is due to the fact only two arguments are presented for each topic. Obviously, due to space constraints, the book can not present a full-length explanation of each and every perspective, but at times the book makes it seem as if there are only two perspectives on the topic at hand, which is almost always false. This is a small critique given the overall quality of the work presented. The book, which is intended to be didactic, ends up being a very entertaining and thought provoking read.Debating the Presidency: Conflicting Perspectives On the American Executive Overview

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