Showing posts with label international law. Show all posts
Showing posts with label international law. Show all posts

Getting Away with Torture: Secret Government, War Crimes, and the Rule of Law Review

Getting Away with Torture: Secret Government, War Crimes, and the Rule of Law
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Getting Away with Torture: Secret Government, War Crimes, and the Rule of Law ReviewChristopher Pyle, who teaches constitutional law and civil liberties at Mount Holyoke College in South Hadley, Massachusetts, has written a strong indictment of the US state's use of and connivance in torture.
He points out that there were 70 renditions before 9/11. Vice-President Gore said, "Of course it's a violation of international law; that's why it's a covert operation." There is no right to kidnap fugitives: extradition treaties were developed to stop illegal abductions by covert foreign agents.
Bush secretly authorised the CIA to kidnap suspected terrorists from European countries and turn them over for interrogation under torture to Egypt, Syria, Jordan, Morocco, Uzbekistan, Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan. Pyle comments, "That unprecedented development was strong evidence that the rule of law no longer mattered to American officials in power." Torture is a form of terrorism: it is illegal under US law and US military law. There were more than 150 renditions between 2001 and 2005.
He writes, "The old adage that `no man is above the law' is no longer valid. American courts, supported by three Republican attorneys general, have made it abundantly clear: high government officials who secretly authorize the kidnapping, torture, or murder of foreigners abroad cannot be prosecuted for the crimes the officials commit or sued for injuries they cause."
After 9/11, Congress authorised the President to use military force only against `those responsible for the recent attacks'. It did not license an endless `war against terrorism' or a limitless war against `States that harbour or support them' (as per John Yoo's Memo 25 September 2001). Under this absurd ruling, the USA could attack Britain.
The International Committee of the Red Cross said that the US treatment of prisoners at Guantanamo Bay was `an intentional system of cruel, unusual, and degrading treatment and a form of torture'. As Pyle notes, "more than 90% of the men and boys tormented at Guantanamo Bay had not been captured in combat but had been sold to the United States for large bounties."
The CIA has or had secret prisons in Thailand, Afghanistan, Poland, Rumania, Bulgaria, Kosovo, Macedonia and Ukraine. Pyle comments, "the CIA made suspected terrorists `disappear', as if the United States were little more than a Latin American dictatorship. Many of these prisoners still have not been found."
He writes, "the torture, cruelty, and degradation revealed in those Abu Ghraib pictures were not merely the work of a few bad apples but were the result of a conscious policy of the Bush administration." The USA's highest officials `authorized, approved and encouraged the torture and degradation of suspected terrorists'.
Bush refused to grant POW status to captured Taliban fighters. Hitler's Field Marshal Wilhelm Keitel refused to grant POW status to Soviet soldiers - he was hanged as a war criminal. Pyle proposes repealing the amnesty for Bush, Rice, Cheney, Rumsfeld, Powell and Tenet.
He sums up, "The United States is no longer a constitutional government under law. Thanks to helpful legislators and judges, its president is now an elected monarch who can, if he chooses, commit criminal acts with impunity. He need not think of himself as a constitutional officer pledged to uphold the Constitution and laws against all enemies, foreign and domestic. He can operate like an Afghan warlord with legions of kidnappers, covert paramilitary units, and clandestine prisons at his disposal.
"At the moment, no one has any timely or effective legal protection against this warlord. Neither Congress nor the courts is disposed to confront this elected monarch until the terrorist threat, which the Republican Party has recklessly striven to make perpetual, has passed.
"As a result, the United States is in the worst constitutional crisis in its history. Many of the wrongs for which the American colonists went to war in 1776 now pale in comparison to the crimes the Bush administration committed. Even during the bitter Civil War, neither side instituted a policy of torture."Getting Away with Torture: Secret Government, War Crimes, and the Rule of Law Overview

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Does the Constitution Follow the Flag?: The Evolution of Territoriality in American Law Review

Does the Constitution Follow the Flag: The Evolution of Territoriality in American Law
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Does the Constitution Follow the Flag: The Evolution of Territoriality in American Law ReviewProfessor Rausiala creates an engaging work that gives the reader both a legal framework of the basis of the law used in various settings, but also the historical and political situations through which these frameworks were created (or some might say, contrived).
He is not shy in pointing out the lack of logic or simple malfeasance, where appropriate, in engaging in some of the legal engagement that America has undertaken when applying it's vision of law offshore.
His skill as a writer makes the reading easy, not a textbook exercise in legalese, and gives insight into a part of Americas extention of power that has not often been discribed.Does the Constitution Follow the Flag: The Evolution of Territoriality in American Law Overview

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Corporate Warriors: The Rise of the Privatized Military Industry, Updated Edition (Cornell Studies in Security Affairs) Review

Corporate Warriors: The Rise of the Privatized Military Industry, Updated Edition (Cornell Studies in Security Affairs)
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Corporate Warriors: The Rise of the Privatized Military Industry, Updated Edition (Cornell Studies in Security Affairs) ReviewThroughout history, private interests have performed military duties and always proved a critical political factor. Celts and Germans worked in the Roman Emperor's personal Praetorian Guard, King Edward I employed professional companies of archers, and the Swiss fought all over Europe, and are still guarding the Vatican. It's only in the 19th and 20th centuries that the state has become the sole legitimate agent in the conduct of military operations. The 1990s, however, have witnessed the emergence of private organized interests at every level of military operations. The twist comes because today these private military firms (PMFs) are organized as twenty first century corporations, with business plans and long term profit objectives.
Singer's analysis begins with an account of private military interests in ancient and modern times. This gets us used to the idea that PMFs have been around before and are really nothing new. In the second section, Singer classifies PMFs in three segments, each characterized by how far its activities are from actual fighting. First and most obvious there are the military provider firms that place frontline military units (e.g. Executive Outcomes) second there are the consulting firms who train and shape a client's military (e.g. Military Professional Resources Inc.) and third there are the firms that provide logistical and support services such as food delivery (e.g. Brown and Root).
Lastly, Singer examines the implications of using PMFs, which of course being corporations are motivated by profit. Singer illustrates how seemingly simple precepts result in fiendishly complex moral problems.
Do we feel uneasy at for-profit military firms? Of course we do and so we are tempted to dismiss any question of using them. But In 1994, one of the more unsavory firms, Executive Outcomes, created a plan that for some 150 million dollars could have stopped the Rwandan genocide and saved hundreds of thousands of lives.(*) The UN Security Council balked at the costs, nothing was done until the genocide was well under way and half a million people were butchered.
Do we support relief organizations such as CARE? Do we give them money? I do. But how should we feel about the Red Cross and CARE using that money to hire PMFs as protection? Is it right for them to support PMFs? Is it right of us to expect them to go into dangerous situation with inadequate UN or local military protection?
Singer's conclusions are only tentative, and given the emphasis he's placed on how complex the moral dilemma is, this is only proper. He neither condemns nor supports the rise of PMFs, he merely states that they exist and are on the rise, he describes how they operate, and he points out the practical and moral dilemmas that arise from making use of them. He ends with a rewording of the proverb that war is too important to be left to generals: war is too important to be left to private industry. In other words, he warns us that while PMFs are here to stay we must keep them in check and on a leash.
Vincent Poirier, Tokyo
(*) See comments for more on this.
VPCorporate Warriors: The Rise of the Privatized Military Industry, Updated Edition (Cornell Studies in Security Affairs) Overview

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