Showing posts with label political philosophy. Show all posts
Showing posts with label political philosophy. Show all posts

Tocqueville on America after 1840: Letters and Other Writings Review

Tocqueville on America after 1840: Letters and Other Writings
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Tocqueville on America after 1840: Letters and Other Writings ReviewThis is a magnificent compilation of some of Tocqueville's writings that are largely unknown to the average student of his works. Many of them being published in English for the first time, this is a must have for any Tocqueville enthusiast. Apart from offering unique insight into the every day life of Tocqueville, it serves as an elaboration on "Democracy in America" and the ideas and principles discussed in his masterpiece. For this low price, it is totally worth purchasing!Tocqueville on America after 1840: Letters and Other Writings Overview

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The American Commonwealth Review

The American Commonwealth
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The American Commonwealth ReviewJames Bryce's "The American Commonwealth" is a basic text of American government and politics, one of three such texts, the others being Hamilton, Madison, and Jay The Federalist Papers (Signet Classics), and de Tocqueville Democracy In America (Complete). These three works, two by foreigners, form the groundwork of a basic understanding of the American system of government. Such an understanding is basic to good citizenship. The lack of such an understanding is sadly demonstrated every day by America's journalists, professors, politicians, and average citizens.
Reading Bryce's "Commonwealth" seems a formidable task at the beginning, since it is two volumes with a total of over 1600 pages. Yet once you begin, Lord Bryce's style is so natural, almost conversational, and the material so interesting to anyone with the slightest interest in American history and politics (and shouldn't that include every American citizen?), that it is actually a very easy book to read.
Bryce was Scottish, born in Belfast, Ireland. He became an attorney and a professor of law at Oxford, then a member of Parliament. He was Ambassador to the United States from 1907 to 1913, became a viscount in 1914. He was very well-traveled and well-known in the US, about as well-qualified as anyone could be to write a description of the American form of government. Because of his reputation as a friend of America he had an important influence on the US entry into World War One on the Allied side.
The first volume covers the national and state governments, the second volume covers the party system, public opinion, and various aspects of American political and social life. The first edition was published in 1888, and it was last revised in 1914. Over the years Bryce made many revisions as his observations and knowledge of America broadened and deepened.
Bryce explains exactly how American government works. A listing of some of the more significant chapters will give an idea of the subjects covered:
Chapter 3: The Origins of the Constitution
Chapter 8: Why Great Men are not Chosen President
Chapter 33: The Interpretation of the Constitution
Chapter 34: The Development of the Constitution by Usage
Chapter 53: Political Parties and Their History
Chapter 78: How Public Opinion Rules in America
Chapter 84: The Tyranny of the Majority
Chapter 85: The Fatalism of the Multitude
Of special interest are three appendices. The first is a review by Bryce of the predictions of Hamilton and de Tocqueville. The second is a review of "The American Commonwealth" written in 1889 by Woodrow Wilson when Wilson was a professor of political science at Weslyan University in Connecticut. The third is a review by Lord Acton.
Bryce believed that had the Constitution been put to a popular vote in 1787 it would never have passed. As it was, the only reason the Constitution gained popular support was because of the fear of foreign powers. As Bryce puts it, in the years following the Revolution and the collapse of the Articles of Confederation, Americans felt very vulnerable to foreign intervention:
"The fear of foreign interference, the sense of weakness, both at sea and on land, against the military monarchies of Europe, was constantly before the mind of American statesmen, and made them anxious to secure at all hazards a national government capable of raising an army and navy, and of speaking with authority on behalf of the new republic."
His comments on the relationship between the Constitution, the Supreme Court, and the American people are very timely.
Of the Presidency he says, "The president has developed a capacity for becoming, in moments of national peril, something like a Roman dictator."
His description of the development of the political parties is equally timely, and is the best I have ever read.
Some final quotations from Bryce:
"Someone has said that the American government and Constitution are based on the theology of Calvin and the philosophy of Hobbes. This at least is true, that there is a hearty Puritanism in the view of human nature which pervades the instrument of 1787. It is the work of men who believed in original sin, and were resolved to leave open for transgressors no door which they could possibly shut. Compare this spirit with the enthusiastic optimism of the Frenchmen of 1789. It is not merely a difference of race temperaments; it is a difference of fundamental ideas."
He ends on this pessimistic note, echoing Benjamin Franklin:
"To expect any form of words, however weightily conceived, with whatever sanctions enacted, permanently to restrain the passions and interests of men is to expect the impossible. Beyond a certain point, you cannot protect the people against themselves any more than you can, to use a familiar American expression, lift yourself from the ground by your own bootstraps."
Highly recommended in this authoritative and economical edition.The American Commonwealth Overview

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Democracy in America, Volume 1 Review

Democracy in America, Volume 1
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Democracy in America, Volume 1 Review"Democracy in America", published in two parts (the first in 1835, the second in 1840), is the great work of Alexis de Tocqueville, a young, aristocratic Frenchman, who traveled through most of the Eastern, Southern, and Midwestern United States during a 9 month period in 1832. Tocqueville had originally set out to study the U.S. prison system but what he saw inspired him to write about much, much more.
The foresight he had for such a young man is really impressive to read 160 years later. What he saw in the morals, work ethic and government structure of the United States led him to accurately predict many of the ways in which the U.S. would lead and has led the world. At the same time Tocqueville was not oblivious to many of the ills in the America he saw. He very wisely writes of the cancer that the institution of slavery was to not only all black Americans, but to the white, Southern farmers and workers as well.
I hate having to give these books "stars" for ratings because in many cases it takes away from the ultimate importance and classic status of a book like this one. Tocqueville does tend to jump around and venture off into different topics that don't fit with the rest of their chapter, which could be attributed to his youth. Also, a few of his predictions, naturally, were way off. A native Texan, I had a good laugh at his view that "the province of Texas is still part of the Mexican dominions, but it will soon contain no Mexicans." But overall Tocqueville's view of America was honest, accurate, and the perfect explanation of why, on a daily basis, people continue to risk their lives to gain the freedom that only the United States of America offers.Democracy in America, Volume 1 Overview

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The Basic Symbols of the American Political Tradition Review

The Basic Symbols of the American Political Tradition
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The Basic Symbols of the American Political Tradition Review
"It's probably the best thing George Carey ever worked on." "It's one of the most important books I ever read." "It changed the way I think about America."
Willmoore Kendall's classic work, The Basic Symbols of the American Political Tradition, provides an understanding which can only be described as refreshing of the political and cultural tradition out of which the Philadelphia Constitution was forged, and The United States of America was founded. Basic Symbols seeks to determine what propositions and ideals America was founded upon, and is thus committed to, and whether these are the ideals currently accepted as true, and often presented as neatly summed up in the Bill of Rights and in that well worn understanding of that passage of the Declaration of Independence: "...all men are created equal... ." Basic Symbols warns that the true tradition may seem anathema to some modern historians and Americans alike who wished it weren't so, but Basic Symbols sets out to present the truth anyway.
This single volume of political science and historical inquiry handily challenges the traditional orthodoxy, or the ignorance, that surrounds the founding in a novel manner: by a close inspection of the facts, and more importantly, the application of the analytical method-the hermeneutic-of Erik Voegelin, to the facts. Kendall's book is almost worth the read just to see the theories and teachings of Erik Voegelin briefly explicated and then put into fruitful action, and if nothing else, Basic Symbols can serve as a spring board for further study not into debates about America's founding, but into the works of this important yet often overlooked historian.
Kendall starts with the Mayflower Compact of (1620), and then examines the General Orders of Connecticut(1638), the Body of Liberties of Massachusetts Bay(1641), the Virginia Declaration of Rights(1776), our own Declaration of Independence(1776), the Constitution(1787-1789) and finally the Bill of Rights(1789). Kendall slowly teases out a common thread--our tradition--that runs its course, unfolds, and develops over this stretch of time and through these early experiences and experiments in self-government on this side of the Atlantic. Basic Symbols also tackles in this time span, and in the history of America since, a problem common to all political traditions: derailment.
Basic Symbols identifies the Gettysburg address as a watershed in the political tradition of America, made possible by a partial derailment in the years preceding the Civil War. Today, the two incompatible traditions are still with us and their friction is at the root of much of our present day political discord; so much so that to ask and seek the answer to the question, "What is the tradition amongst us?" is the very reason why Basic Symbols was written.
Rather than the rights-speak and emphasis upon rights that has grown out of the elevation of the Bill of Rights, and the tortured understanding of 'equality' that has sprung from the Declaration, Basic Symbols instead proffers a formidable, and well supported, alternative; the true tradition amongst us holds (or held) the supremacy of the general political will of the community; the legislature through which this is expressed in a very slow, careful, and deliberative fashion; a virtuous people from which these governing bodies are elected, and the concomitant conviction of a virtuous people in a higher law than that of any secular government.
Basic Symbols notes that any mention of rights, any ethos of equality, etc., are nowhere to be found in our tradition as founding symbols; they were understood as only the possible concerns for the deliberations of a political community after the establishment of its aims and purposes. Thus, they are not the starting points from which the uniquely American order and tradition is defined. This explains why all forms of variants on "the common good," "better ordering...and preservation," were the starting points for, and of paramount importance to, the drafters of everything from the Mayflower Compact to our own Constitution. Kendall does well to further point out why the Bill of Rights was opposed to a man by the framers of the Constitution, lending only more support to his thesis. His analysis of the Declaration and the true meaning of "...all men are created equal..." places the Declaration and the Founding in a whole new light: the light of the American political tradition he identifies which provides a better explication and understanding of these documents, much like a better fitting solution to a puzzle. And this is just to name a few of the most important points. Kendall does well to document and explain the meaning, significance, and importance of all the symbols he identifies as having a place in the American political tradition.
The loss of many of the qualities the framers and the Federalist Papers thought necessary for the preservation of the republic and our liberty can leave some readers of Basic Symbols feeling as though the framers were not as wise as they are often made out to be; perhaps their underlying premises were wrong or have since been perverted, and the American experiment has proven to be a failure.
Maybe you'll disagree with the tradition Kendall portrays, or deem it no longer relevant, but if you do read it, one thing is certain; you will come away from this book as Gary Wills describes how the crowd walked off from the Gettysburg Address: "...under a changed sky, into a different America."The Basic Symbols of the American Political Tradition Overview

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American Institutions and Their Influence Review

American Institutions and Their Influence
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American Institutions and Their Influence ReviewTocqueville came to America to expose himself to something new, a representative democracy. The words he penned while he toured the world is both epic and everlasting. Many people overlook this author because they assume it will be heavy and outdated, but they would be wrong. Here is a person who saw something fabulous and terrifying in how we ran our country. Concepts such as the American Dream seemed to go against everything European scholars spoke up, yet it works. Take a chance and enjoy a little Tocqueville!!!American Institutions and Their Influence Overview

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John C. Calhoun: Selected Writings and Speeches (Conservative Leadership Series) Review

John C. Calhoun: Selected Writings and Speeches (Conservative Leadership Series)
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John C. Calhoun: Selected Writings and Speeches (Conservative Leadership Series) Review~John C. Calhoun: Selected Writings and Speeches~ is an anthology of writings of the antebellum South Carolina statesmen. It's perhaps the definitive abridged compilation of Calhoun's writings. The alternative of course is the broad collection by historian Clyde Wilson, entitled The Papers of John C. Calhoun. However, as a practical matter, sorting through the cream of the crop is an exercise that takes a lot of work. Dr. Cheek, however, has sorted through Calhoun's writings, and put together a most remarkable collection of Calhoun's writings. Besides, the Disquisition and the Discourse, he features good pieces such as Calhoun's Exposition and Protest, his Speech on the Force Bill, and his letter to James Hamilton describing the nature of the Union, among several other selections.
Calhoun's Disquisition and Discourse are profoundly reflective political thought that typify what historians characterize as the South Atlantic Republicanism. Calhoun's concept of concurrent majorities and his understanding of the American federal system are deeply reflective. Undoubtedly, if we are to ever initiate a meaningful renaissance of federalism and implement needed constitutional reforms within the United States, such a move necessitates the revival of the statesmanship of John Calhoun. So, Dr. Cheek's books are a good place to start.
All things considered, if you're interested in antebellum politics, political science, or exploring the statesmanship of South Carolina statesmen John C. Cahoun, then Cheek's anthology is definitely worth your consideration. Please consider reading this book in tandem with his other book Calhoun and Popular Rule, which offers sound exegesis of the Disquisition and Discourse.John C. Calhoun: Selected Writings and Speeches (Conservative Leadership Series) Overview

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Democracy In America, Volume 1 Review

Democracy In America, Volume 1
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Democracy In America, Volume 1 ReviewThis Kindle edition is a good rendition of this work.
Alexis De Tocqueville was simply of one of the great social scientists writing about America and Democracy. From reading the book I deduced that Tocqueville was a social scientist before Marx! He compares European culture and government with the fledgling culture and democracy he observes in America. He is very much impressed with what he sees taking place in America in the 1830's and hopes it will spread to Europe. He at first believed that America's prosperity was simply due to geography and their distance from powerful neighbors, he abandons this idea after his visit to America. He comes to realize that the West is not being peopled "by new European immigrants to America, but by Americans who he believes have no adversity to taking risks." Tocqueville comes to see that Americans are the most broadly educated and politically advanced people in the world and one of the reasons for the success of our form of government. He also foretells America's industrial preeminence and strength through the unfettered spread of ideas and human industry.
Tocqueville also saw the insidious damage that the institution of slavery was causing the country and predicted some 30 years before the Civil War that slavery would probable cause the states to fragment from the union. He also the emergence of stronger states rights over the power of the federal government. He held fast to his belief that the greatest danger to democracy was the trend toward the concentration of power by the federal government. He predicted wrongly that the union would probably break up into two or three countries because of regional interests and differences. This idea is the only one about America that he gets wrong. Despite some of his misgivings, Tocqueville, saw that democracy is an "inescapable development" of the modern world. The arguments in the "Federalist Papers" were greater then most people realized. He saw a social revolution coming that continues throughout the world today.
Tocqueville realizes at the very beginning of the "industrial revolution" how industry, centralization, and democracy strengthened each other and moved forward together. I am convinced that Tocqueville is still the preeminent observer of America but is also the father of social science. A must read for anyone interested in American history, political philosophy or the social sciences.
Democracy In America, Volume 1 Overview

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