Showing posts with label imperialism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label imperialism. Show all posts

The President and the Assassin: McKinley, Terror, and Empire at the Dawn of the American Century Review

The President and the Assassin: McKinley, Terror, and Empire at the Dawn of the American Century
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The President and the Assassin: McKinley, Terror, and Empire at the Dawn of the American Century ReviewThese were the words uttered by President McKinley's assassin immediately after he had shot the American president. Did he regret it? No. Before being executed, the assassin, Leon Czolgosz, cried out:" I killed the President for the good of the laboring people, the good people. I am not sorry for my crime but I am sorry I can't see my father".
The presidency of McKinley was the one when the modern American nation, economy and foreign policy were forged. These were the times when the USA conducted a war against the Spanish empire and acquired more territories, such as Hawaii, and Cuba was firmly under American control, while Taft was turning the Philippines into a peaceful colony during his watch as governor there. The American society was undergoing a deep and significant change from an agrarian one to an industrial one. This process meant, on the one hand, that some got very rich, and, on the other hand, millions of workers were conducting a battle of existence, performing the same mind-numbing tasks for 10 or even 16 hours a day. In fact, one observer described the situation of the masses as "one of unmitigated serfdom". New inventions and manufacturing techniques made it possible to produce more and more with fewer workers, and those who were lucky went on frequent strikes. Labor unions were still weak and the interests of the workers were mainly discussed and raised by the anarchists, whose number was spreading constantly. In other words, those desperate workers turned to violence, and the anarchists provided the fuel for it.
One of these frustrated people, who was a Polish immigrant and factory-worker, Leon Czolgosz, decided that president McKinley was focusing on making the rich richer. He came to the conclusion that he had to obey his conscience and terminate the life of his enemy.
These were the times when anarchism was to be found not only in America. It rose to fame towards the end of nineteenth century Europe, where a number of prominent personalities were assassinated. The roots of anarchism were to be found in ancient Greece and the tradition of it passed on to Western Europe many centuries later, where it found many adherents who perfected not only its theory but also its violent acts. Anarchist attacks and threats of attacks terrified citizens in just about every major European city, and the impact was especially felt in the city of lights, Paris, whence newspapers were reporting almost daily about bloody encounters between police and anarchists.
The ideas of anarchism made their way to America and Mr. Miller offers his readers not only a vast, detailed and panoramic view and analysis of anarchism and its promoters, such as Albert Parsons and Johann Most, but also of the American society and the various political and social processes it underwent before and after McKinley's election.
To be more precise, this book shows the way the upper and lower classes were living at the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth, when various scandals and strikes against monstrous employers dominated the American public scene. The times were turbulent and full of contrasts and it is here where one could meet Secretaries of State, congressmen, hard-working people, soldiers and generals, tycoons and policemen, investors and inventors, immigrants and propaganda makers. These were also the times when John Hay, the legendary Secretary of State, was paving the way for the exploitation of China, following the American intervention in the Boxer rebellion, while Emma Goldman, the famous anarchist, was active in her efforts to promote anarchist ideas, serving as the inspiration of Czolgosz to do commit his crime, although he had denied any ideological connection with Emma. One paper, the 'Free Society', opined that an assassination of McKinley would hardly serve the interests of the anarchist cause. In the words of the paper, "any fool who would kill the paltry Napoleon (meaning: McKinley), would be the deadliest enemy of anarchism". The famous Pan-American Exposition in Buffalo in June 1901 which would serve as the final destination of McKinley's life, the last days of the wounded president, his doctors' decisions and actions, the fate of Czolgosz, his trial and the reaction of the public immediately after the attempt to assassinate McKinley and after it, the whereabouts of Ida, Mckinley's sickly wife-all are detailed here copiously.
The assassination has changed America from within and from without. This book is extremely well-researched and a great pleasure to read. It is another proof of the fact that such a vast subject can be brought alive, if the task is given to a very talented writer and gifted researcher like Mr. Miller, whose book is splendidly written. It does not contain one boring moment and in many parts reads like a thriller. This book will definitely stay for us for a very long time, serving as a standard history of those rough but extremely dynamic times.The President and the Assassin: McKinley, Terror, and Empire at the Dawn of the American Century Overview

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The Fall of the House of Bush: The Untold Story of How a Band of True Believers Seized the Executive Branch, Started the Iraq War, and Still Imperils America's Future Review

The Fall of the House of Bush: The Untold Story of How a Band of True Believers Seized the Executive Branch, Started the Iraq War, and Still Imperils America's Future
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The Fall of the House of Bush: The Untold Story of How a Band of True Believers Seized the Executive Branch, Started the Iraq War, and Still Imperils America's Future ReviewProbably the more appropriate photos for the dust jacket would have been those that appear facing page 215: George H.W. Bush breaking down into sobs while discussing his son. Ostensibly meaning son Jeb, although no one watching could help believe his anguish was with son Dubya.
How did George W. turn out so differently from his father? How did he go from drunken, failure-prone frat boy to a "born again" self-styled "compassionate conservative" and twice-elected President of the United States? Author Unger lays out his case, starting with a brief history of American-style evangelicism, especially the "Rapture"-based theology and fundamentalism, and follows with a chapter on the origins and philosophy of the neoconservative movement. The two seemingly disparate groups provided the ideological underpinings of the George W. Bush administration, as well as the reliance on purity of faith over rational and objective analysis.
Much of the background material has been long available, but there are some curious new revelations. In spite of what Bush (or his ghost-writer) wrote in "A Charge to Keep", Bush was "born again" not under the guidance of Billy Graham, but by a far sketchier character named Arthur Blessitt. (Blessitt once ran a "Jesus coffeehouse" on the Sunset Strip, until he was evicted in 1969.) When Bush senior came in behind Pat Robertson in the 1988 Iowa caucuses, he had Dubya act as his liason to the growing grass-roots evangelical vote. In that role, he took delight in denying "access" to his father and got his first taste of power. Although his parents had long counted on brother Jeb to be the political heir, Dubya had other plans.
This isn't a biography, and certainly isn't a military history - only 55 pages from the start of the war in Iraq to the last page. It IS very well researched, with 49 pages of footnotes and a 9-page bibliography. I can't say how much overlap there is with Draper's book "Dead Certain", the book it is most likely to be compared with. Unger does go into detail on the Bush-Cheney relationship that Draper seems to have skimmed past. (Unger includes "Dead Certain" in the footnotes and bibliography.)
With so many books out on the Bush presidency and the Iraq war, what does this contribute? Most of all, it traces the alliances of the forces behind the scenes, and provides new insight into the motivations of the key players. It really is fairly objective in its assessments, but I was surprised (and disappointed) in the petty visciousness displayed by both Bush and Cheney towards subordinates and critics in example after example. (One of the better lines comes from Bob Strauss, who said, "Bush senior finds it impossible to strut, and Bush junior finds it impossible not to.") It also makes it easier to understand how the events so well documented in "Fiasco" and "Imperial Life in the Emerald City" came about. It is very disconcerting to see that George W. was holding secret, "no press allowed" meetings with assorted Christian Zionist/ evangelical groups before and during his 2000 campaign. The catch-phrase "compassionate conservatism" takes on an entirely different meaning when it is shown to be part of the agenda to smash down the church-state barrier. There's some pretty interesting background on a particularly skeezy schlub (Michael Ledeen) whose fingerprints seem to be all over the infamous Italian "Niger yellowcake" forgery. (This character also asserts that "my mother was the model for (Disney's) Snow White".) Unger makes it abundantly clear why the current Republican "base" will never, ever allow Israel to establish anything like a Palestinian state, at least not on land on the West Bank. (That would effectively block their end-time Rapture fantasies.)
I'd recommend the book to those who haven't followed the rise of the evangelical (and most especially the Christian Zionist and "Dominionist") voting bloc, the move of the neoconservatives (or "the crazies", as Bush senior referred to them) from the margins to hands on the levers of power, or the direction they may take next. This administration has larded every conceivable federal agency with these kinds of people, and it will take many years to repair their damage.
The Fall of the House of Bush: The Untold Story of How a Band of True Believers Seized the Executive Branch, Started the Iraq War, and Still Imperils America's Future Overview

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The Politics of Free Markets: The Rise of Neoliberal Economic Policies in Britain, France, Germany, and the United States Review

The Politics of Free Markets: The Rise of Neoliberal Economic Policies in Britain, France, Germany, and the United States
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The Politics of Free Markets: The Rise of Neoliberal Economic Policies in Britain, France, Germany, and the United States ReviewThis book is well-written. It seeks to explain why the state was rolled back further in the US and the UK than on the European continent in the 1980s: the author argues this happened because the state played a significantly more influential role in the US and the UK economies in the 60s & 70s than the state did in France and Germany, prompting a more severe backlash against statism in the US and the UK. As far as academic books go, Prasad's work is eminently readable, even for general readers with an interest in the topic.The Politics of Free Markets: The Rise of Neoliberal Economic Policies in Britain, France, Germany, and the United States Overview

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Takeover: The Return of the Imperial Presidency and the Subversion of American Democracy Review

Takeover: The Return of the Imperial Presidency and the Subversion of American Democracy
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Takeover: The Return of the Imperial Presidency and the Subversion of American Democracy ReviewThere have been lots of books about the Bush-Cheney administration, and considerable coverage of efforts to increase presidential power. However, "Takeover's" well-researched, thoughtful and important material requires no outside leverage to gain a prominent spot amongst them.
Savage's summary asserts that Bush-Cheney have succeeded in seizing vast powers for the presidency by ignoring many of the restraints placed on it by Congress, the courts, and the Constitution. Warrantless waretapping, politicization of the Justice Department and the torture debate, use of "signing statements" to claim a right to defy new laws, efforts to impose greater control over military JAG lawyers, secrecy behind Cheney's energy task force (and innumerable other government actions), and holding U.S. citizens without trial as "enemy combatants" have all served this end.
Savage clearly sees Cheney as the force behind these moves, citing Cheney's earlier experiences and actions in government, beginning in the Nixon administration within the Office of Economic Opportunity with Don Rumsfeld, on to episodes of classified information disclosure (eg. illegal CIA spying on Americans, U.S. submarines eavesdropping on Soviet cables), Cheney's restricting access to President Ford by those with competing viewpoints (also reduced likelihood of leaks), and efforts within Congress to support Reagan-Bush power grabs (eg. forcing executive agencies to submit proposed rules to the White House before they could take effect).
The Bush-Cheney powergrab began immediately upon assuming the office. White House Counsel Gonzales was assigned a support role almost on the administration's opening day. September 11 clearly was a God-send to the Bush-Cheney efforts - protecting national security became the all-purpose rationale for more secrecy and more presidential power. However, it was not until January, 2002 that Cheney openly took ownership of the agenda to expand these powers.
Secrecy was extended wherever possible, even to rather mundane topics under the logic that even little pieces could be put together to provide information to terrorists. Republican congressional leadership was only too willing to assist by failing to oversee executive actions, and even restricting congressmen from mentioning the contents of intelligence authorization bills, for fear of criminal prosecution and expulsion. The administration also succeeded in shutting down embarrassing court cases (eg. claiming failure to pursue espionage) on the grounds of needed secrecy. Finally, suppressing scientific findings and rewriting reports has also been a major Bush secrecy tool.
Bush's power-grab even included abrogating signed international treaties. One of the administration's earliest actions was informing the Soviets that we would no longer be bound by the 1972 ABM treaty. The Geneva Accords followed, described as "quaint" by Gonzales, was later circumvented through a number of actions - Guantanamo and Abu Ghraib imprisonments, secret renditions, torture, plans for military tribunals at which defendants would not necessarily know what the evidence was against them, over-ruling JAG leadership, etc.
One of the best-known actions was Gonzales' effort to get A.G. Ashcroft to approve the administration's wiretapping program legality - while Ashcroft was under heavy sedation in an ICU bed. Ashcroft stood by his earlier refusal, while also reaffirming that he was no longer A.G. - he had temporarily ceded his power while in the hospital. (Bush authorized the program anyway. No wonder Ashcroft was booted at the beginning of Bush's second term!)
By the seventh year of Bush-Cheney, Bush had attached signing statements to about 150 bills and referenced 1,100 sections. (The latter figure compares to about 600 for all prior presidents. To be fair, Reagan was the primary prior promulgator.) During this same period, Bush vetoed only two bills. Those puzzled by the discrepancy soon realized that Bush's actions were equivalent to a line-item veto - banned by the Supreme Court in 1998, though supported by future Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito in a memo where he advocated implementation in slow motion so that opponents would be less likely to realize what was happening.
"Signing statements" have also been used by Bush as a means of controlling subordinates in the executive branch (another dimension of the Unitary Executive), and a way of combating "veto-proof" bills. All new bills are now reviewed by Cheney's staff for possible signing statements.
Why have signing statements continued? Savage contends that it is difficult to contest them in court, between all the administration's secrecy and the general inability to acquire legal standing.
So now we have a much-weakened system of government, per Savage. The question is "What will happen in the future?" These new tools lie ready to be used in any new "important cause," and may not be willingly put aside. In the meantime, our civics books are clearly out of date.Takeover: The Return of the Imperial Presidency and the Subversion of American Democracy Overview

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